告别演讲稿(15篇)

第1篇 六年级告别母校演讲稿范文

敬爱环境的老师、环境亲爱的同学：

大家好！光阴似箭，日月如梭。日子过得真快！弹指之间我已快到了毕业的日子、回忆当初，在校园的生活给了我许多快乐的回忆！

看着我胸前挂着的校徽…………，我非常感谢我的环境——__学校。哺育我成长的摇篮：非常可敬的老师们———“我们辛勤的园丁”，辛苦了。是你们用知识的甘露浇灌了我们这些幼苗，让我们茁壮成长。

多少年的岁月?那即漫长又短暂，几年的岁月，与老师朝夕相处的学习生活，一幕幕出现在我的眼前…………。最让我难忘的是，老师在黑板前，用洪亮的声音引导这我们的思维一起学习。最难忘的是，老师用那永不疲倦的身影在给我们备课，批改作业。最难忘的是，老师您即教环境又育人，更重要的是老师用自己的对事业的忠诚和那种执着可敬的职业精神，教会我们人身的道理，懂得如何去做人，让我们在成长的道路上有了一盏明灯。

我的母校———__学校！我将快要离开您了，去接触新的学习环境了，但你留给我美好的回忆和给我谆谆的教导，我将永生难忘，永远铭记在心中。我一定不会辜负母校对我的期望，我一定会好好的学习，用学习报答对您的养育之恩。

祝您：桃李满天下！

第2篇 大学生告别母校的感恩演讲稿

亲爱的老师和同学们：

大家上午好!我是第二临床医学院2022届的毕业生__。很荣幸能够代表全体2022届本科毕业生，向敬爱的母校告别，向亲爱的老师告别，向可爱的同学告别，也向这段不能忘怀的兰大岁月告别!

时光荏苒，韶逝，大学生活即将落下帷幕。蓦然回首，在母校的点点滴滴不禁浮现脑海，历历在目。还记得在榆中，每天飞机飞过后一道道白色线条交织成的五线谱吗?还记得图书馆和自习室我们孜孜不倦学习的身影吗?还记得绿茵场上我们为集体荣誉而全力以赴，为自己队友摇旗呐喊时的齐心协力吗?还记得每天跟同学好友一起上课路上的朝阳，一起分享喜怒哀乐的月光吗?太多太多的回忆已成为我们生命中最珍重的收藏。

五年前，和每一位同学一样，我满怀梦想，背负期望，来到兰大。弹指一挥间，我已从渴求知识的新生，成长为学有所成的毕业生。还记得稚嫩的大一，面对新的环境与困难，还偷偷地掉眼泪;还有忙碌却又快乐的大二，虽然红宝书充满挑战，虽然各种考试应接不暇，但我从失败中学会了如何从容应对;青春飞舞的大三，各种校园内外的活动让我学会了丰富与锻炼，合作与竞争，学会了不断超越自己的极限而成长。正式母校提供如此多的机会，才使我的大学生活如此丰富多彩。获得军政基金科研项目支持，获得宝钢奖学金，获得甘肃省三好学生以及四次国家奖学金。虽然我即将离开兰大这片深爱的热土，奔赴耶鲁大学求学，但我永远不会忘记母校。母校，您用朴素的情怀和砥砺的岁月，给了我们一个清醒的头脑、一双洞察世事的眼睛和一颗热忱的心灵，把“自强不息，独树一帜”的精神融进了我们的血脉、我们的生命。转眼就到了依依离别之时。

毕业在即，我们要感谢许多人，感恩他们为我们的成长付出的心血和努力。感恩父母。一路上风雨兼程，你们撑起一片灿烂无比的晴空，用细致无私的爱，给了我们温暖的港湾和不断前行的力量，却从不索求，让我们把诚挚的谢意献给我们的父母，并用我们的一生去回报他们无尽的恩情。

感恩老师。亲爱的老师，你们授予我们专业知识、教会我们做人的道理，语重心长的为我们指点走出社会后该注意些什么。感激的话千言万语，再华丽的辞藻也无法表达我们对您的尊敬与爱戴。学生即将远行，就让我们深情的道一声：老师，您辛苦了!

感恩母校。您的博大胸怀，使我们在发展方向上拥有充分的个性空间;您的倍加关怀，使我们可以自信地面对任何艰难困苦;您的精心呵护，使得我们顺利完成学业，获得继续深造与建功立业的机会。

今天我们要毕业了，但青春不毕业，这次离别只不过是人生的又一个开端。我们带不走母校的一草一木，却带走了母校给予的坚毅、勤奋、踏实和谦虚，去迎接即将到来的挑战。

“天戴其苍，地履其黄;纵有千古，横有八荒，前途似海，来日方长。美哉我少年中国，与天不老;壮哉我中国少年，与国无疆!”今天，我想与在座的所有同学用这句梁启超先生的话共勉。让我们带着兰大“扎根西部，心忧天下”的社会抱负，带着实现民族复兴的中国梦坚定地踏上新征程;让我们发扬兰大“海纳百川，兼容并蓄”精神，在社会的各行各业都尽情施展我们的才华。我希望在未来的日子里，不管你是80后还是90后，都能够在各自的人生舞台上，慷慨激昂，精彩陈词，书写自己的成功与辉煌。

最后，衷心祝福同学们前程似锦，收获喜乐成长!祝福老师幸福安康、桃李芬芳!祝愿母校再谱华章，再续辉煌!

我的演讲完毕，谢谢大家!

第3篇 告别高中英语演讲稿范文

today, i speak from this podium a final time as your president. as i depart, i want to thank all of you - students, faculty, alumni and staff - with whom i have been privileged to work over these past years. some of us have had our disagreements, but i know that which unites us transcends that which divides us. i leave with a full heart, grateful for the opportunity i have had to lead this remarkable institution.

今天，我将以校长的身份，最后一次在这个讲台上演讲。即将离任前，我要感谢诸位学生、教师、校友和员工，而且非常荣幸在过去的5年里能与你们共事。我们中的一些人意见不尽相同， 但是，我知道，我们的共识远远超越分歧。我心满意足的离开哈佛，感激你们给我机会领导这所杰出的学府。

since i delivered my inaugural address, 56 months ago, i have learned an enormous amount—about higher education, about leadership, and also about myself. some things look different to me than they did five years ago. the world that today’s harvard’s graduates are entering is a profoundly different one than the world administrators entered.

自从56个月前我发表上任讲话以来，我学到了很多——关于高等教育，关于领导艺术，也关于自我完善。在我看来，现在与5年前不同了。今天的哈佛毕业生正在进入的世界和管理人员当年所进入的世界相比已是大相径庭了。

it is a world where opportunities have never been greater for those who know how to teach children to read, or those who know how to distribute financial risk; never greater for those who understand the cell and the pi_el; never greater for those who can master, and navigate between, legal codes, faith traditions, computer platforms, political viewpoints.

现今世界，机遇对于这些人来说是空前的：他们知道如何教子女阅读;他们知道如何组合投资;他们懂得基本存储单元和像素概念;他们能掌握各种法典、传统信仰、计算机平台、政治观点并在其中游刃有余。

it is also a world where some are left further and further behind - those who are not educated, those trapped in poverty and violence, those for whom equal opportunity is just a hollow phrase.

同时，现今世界，一些人越来越落后于时代。这些人没受过教育、深陷于贫穷和暴力、平等机遇对他们而言，仅是一句空话。

scientific and technological advances are enabling us to comprehend the furthest reaches of the cosmos, the most basic constituents of matter, and the miracle of life.

科技进步正在使我们能够探索宇宙的边陲、物质最基本的成分及生命的奇迹。

at the same time, today, the actions, and inaction, of human beings imperil not only life on the planet, but the very life of the planet.

与此同时，今天，人类所做的及没能做到的事情，不仅危害到这个星球上的生命，也危害到该星球的寿命。

globalization is making the world smaller, faster and richer. still, 9/11, avian flu, and iran remind us that a smaller, faster world is not necessarily a safer world.

全球化正在使地球变得愈来愈小、愈来愈快和愈来愈富有。尽管如此，9/11、禽流感及伊朗提醒我们，更小更快的世界决不意味着其更安全。

our world is bursting with knowledge - but desperately in need of wisdom. now, when sound bites are getting shorter, when instant messages crowd out essays, and when individual lives grow more frenzied, college graduates capable of deep reflection are what our world needs.

我们正处于一个知识爆炸的世界之中，不过，迫切需要智慧。现在，在原声摘要播出变得愈来愈短，即时信息淘汰了杂记文，个人生活变得如痴如狂之际，这个世界还是需要能够深思的大学生。

for all these reasons i believed - and i believe even more strongly today - in the unique and irreplaceable mission of universities.

考虑到这些理由，我过去信仰，而今天甚至更加强烈地信仰大学独特的、无可取代的使命。

universities are where the wisdom we cannot afford to lose is preserved from generation to generation. among all human institutions, universities can look beyond present norms to future possibilities, can look through current considerations to emergent opportunities.

大学是人类把不可或缺的智慧世代流传的殿堂。就人类所有公共机构而言，仅仅大学，能够超越当前的准则，注意到未来的可能性;能通过目前的判断，注意到突发的机遇。

and among universities, harvard stands out. with its great tradition, its iconic reputation, its remarkable network of 300,000 alumni, harvard has never had as much potential as it does now.

哈佛在大学中间，鹤立鸡群。凭其伟大的传统、因袭声誉及其非凡的300000校友网，哈佛的潜力前所未有。

and yet, great and proud institutions, like great and proud nations at their peak, must surmount a very real risk: that the very strength of their traditions will lead to caution, to an inward focus on prerogative and to a complacency that lets the world pass them by.

可是，就像伟大和自豪的国家在其鼎盛时期一样，它们必须克服一个完全不能掉以轻心的危险因素：它们传统的绝对强势将会导致谨小慎微、追求内部特权及自满，这将使它们不能与时俱进。

and so i say to you that our university today is at an inflection point in its history. at such a moment, there is temptation to elevate comfort and consensus over progress and clear direction, but this would be a mistake. the university’s matchless resources - human, physical, financial - demand that we seize this moment with vision and boldness. to do otherwise would be a lost opportunity. we can spur great deeds that history will mark decades and even centuries from now. if harvard can find the courage to change itself, it can change the world.

今天，哈佛正处于其历史的转折点。此时此刻的自然倾向是，把贪图舒适和随波逐流留凌驾于进步和方向性之上，但，这可能是错误的。大学无与伦比的资源 ——人力、物力、财力——要求我们远见卓识和勇敢地抓住这个时机，否则，将会坐失良机。我们能推动将会被历史永世铭记的伟大的事业。如果哈佛能找到勇气来改变自己，它就能改变世界。

告别高中英语演讲稿范文

第4篇 中学生演讲稿：告别网吧，做文明健康的中学生

现在随着中国社会的不断发展，人们的生活也逐渐富裕起来，网络也跟着在社会中流行，融入到了我们生活中去，而且扩张的范围很大，尤其是对于中学生来说更是对“网络”爱不释手。为此，上个星期，老师叫我写有关网络文明的演讲稿，我想就写“告别网吧，做文明健康中学生”为题的演讲稿吧，于是我就中学生告别网吧一事专门调查了几位同学，他们中的一些坚定的摇了头，并说出了一大堆上网的好处，而且反问了我：“你也不是经常上网吗？”，于是，产生了我的几个思考：告别网吧，是不是就等于告别了网络？告别网吧现实吗？我们的中学生在接触网络时，该如何把持自己呢？

老师说过，21世纪是知识经济的时代，是网络时代，是人类数字化生存的时代，电脑和网络，是每一个学生都必须掌握的一门课程。在美国等西方国家，四五年级的学生都能够熟练地使用电脑、网络、查阅资料，学习知识。相比之下，让我们中学生告别网络的做法，我想在座的同学没有一个会同意的。但我们法律为什么又规定“禁止未成年人进入网吧”？首先，我们不能把“网络”等同于“网吧”。不接触网吧，我们同样可以接触网络。比如通过：家庭个人电脑、学校电脑室等，当然，这方面的开发和利用，有待学校、老师、家长和我们同学的共同认识基础上逐步实现。第二，表面禁止的同时，深含对我们未成年人的身心保护。我们中学生迷恋网吧，不能自拔，导致学业无成，甚至是猝死网吧的现象时有耳闻，一旦事件发生，我们总认为这是因无知而犯下的错，但也为时已晚。“禁止未成年人进入网吧”是为了让我们的学生少犯或不犯同样的错误，让更多的人来关爱我们这些未成人。

但是，目前那些黑网吧，象一个个美丽的陷阱，使许多同学丢魂失魄、丧失意志、无心学习、前途废弃。据调查，学生上网80%以上是打游戏，15%左右是交友聊天，真正查询资料用于学习的为数极少。有13%以上的男生很喜欢上网或迷恋上网，达到了严重影响学习的地步。一到寒暑假，学生们更是肆无忌惮，不少学生生通宵达旦地玩电游、上网。网上游戏、网上聊天和网上色情是网络三个魔爪，是使中学生堕落的三大杀手。由于网络游戏、色情和聊天充满刺激、惊险和浪漫，许多网迷一旦接触，便深陷其中而不能自拔、网上“三魔爪”又被称作“电子海洛因”，是杀人不眨眼的刽子

您正在查看《中学生演讲稿：告别网吧，做文明健康的中学生》

第5篇 初中毕业生告别母校优秀演讲稿范文

各位敬爱老师，同学们：

大家好！

今天，我站在这里，代表全体初三毕业生向我们的母校道别，向×三中的老师们道别，向朝夕相处的同窗们道别，也向这段不能忘怀的岁月道别！让我们真诚的向老师们说一声：谢谢，向学弟、学妹们道声：努力！

此时此刻，我的心情无比激动，即有毕业的喜悦，也有掩不住无限的回忆与留恋。三年的学习时光，弹指一挥间，但很多记忆将成为我们生命中最为珍重的收藏：葳蕤的杨树，宽阔的操场，如画的长廊，明亮的教室。我们一定还记得刚入校时你我所立的雄心壮志，一定还记得在教室、图书馆和实验室中你我孜孜不倦学习、研究的身影，一定还记得老师的谆谆教诲和习题获得突破时你我那种发自内心的喜悦，一定还记得在运动场上你我生龙活虎的锻炼场景，太多太多的情景值得我们去回忆。这三年的路，我们走的辛苦而快乐，三年的生活，我们过的充实而美丽，我们流过眼泪，却伴着欢笑，我们踏着荆棘，却嗅得万里花香。

三年的初中生活，使我们从一个不懂事儿童，成为了一名踌躇满志的青少年；从不敢离开父母的怀抱，到不怕坚险，勇于拼搏。三年来，一千零五十多个日日夜夜，母校不懈地用知识武装我。现在，我们不仅学会了语文、数学，而且学会了物理和化学，不仅提笔能写文章，而且知道了分子和原子及各种知识。最重要的一点在于，使我更清楚地知道怎么爱中国、爱社会主义，维护世界和平。这是学校教育的结果，这是老师们心血的结晶。

在这毕业之际，我感谢美丽的母校，给了我知识的琼浆、智慧的力量和做人的道理；感谢敬爱的老师们那淳淳教诲和无私的关爱，您对我们的恩情比山还高，比海还深。

今天的毕业不仅是对昨天的总结，更是对明天的呼唤。以后我们将要进入高中去学习。还会进入大学深造，会扛枪保卫祖国的边陲，会上山去找矿，会进工厂去做工，会到广漠的原野上去耕耘。我们还会奔向世界各地，去纽约、巴黎、伦敦。但我们无论在什么地方，无论干什么工作，我们永远和这里心连心。老师们，请相信，我们在新的地方一定会保持三中学生的优良传统，去拼搏、去奋斗、去创造，绝不会辜负你们的信任！

三中的全体同学们，虽然我们毕业了，但你们还要继续在这里学习和生活，希望你们今后要努力学习、团结友爱、讲究文明、遵守纪律，不仅要成为一名合格的中学生，更要为做一名有用的祖国栋梁之才而努力奋斗。 最后，我们真诚得祝愿亲爱的母校和敬爱的老师：永远美丽！永远年轻！永远幸福

第6篇 奥巴马告别演讲稿英文版

找不到奥巴马告别的英文版演讲稿吗?本文是小编为大家整理的奥巴马告别演讲稿英文版，仅供参考借鉴，希望可以帮助到大家。

it’s good to be home. my fellow americans, michelle and i have been so touched by all the well-wishes we’ve received over the past few weeks. but tonight it’s my turn to say thanks. whether we’ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the american people – in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts – are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. every day, i learned from you. you made me a better president, and you made me a better man.

i first came to chicago when i was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who i was; still searching for a purpose to my life. it was in neighborhoods not far from here where i began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. it was on these streets where i witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. this is where i learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.

after eight years as your president, i still believe that. and it’s not just my belief. it’s the beating heart of our american idea – our bold e_periment in self-government.

it’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

it’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-e_ecuting; that we, the people, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.

this is the great gift our founders gave us. the freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination – and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.

for 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. it’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. it’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the rio grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. it’s why gis gave their lives at omaha beach and iwo jima; iraq and afghanistan – and why men and women from selma to stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.

so that’s what we mean when we say america is e_ceptional. not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.

yes, our progress has been uneven. the work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. for every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. but the long sweep of america has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.

if i had told you eight years ago that america would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history…if i had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the cuban people, shut down iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11…if i had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens – you might have said our sights were set a little too high.

but that’s what we did. that’s what you did. you were the change. you answered people’s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, america is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.

in ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the ne_t. i committed to president-elect trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as president bush did for me. because it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.

we have what we need to do so. after all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on earth. our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.

but that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.

that’s what i want to focus on tonight – the state of our democracy.

understand, democracy does not require uniformity. our founders quarreled and compromised, and e_pected us to do the same. but they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity – the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.

there have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity. the beginning of this century has been one of those times. a shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism – these forces haven’t just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well. and how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland.

in other words, it will determine our future.

our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. the wealthy are paying a fairer share of ta_es even as the stock market shatters records. the unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. the uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. and if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we’ve made to our health care system – that covers as many people at less cost – i will publicly support it.

that, after all, is why we serve – to make people’s lives better, not worse.

but for all the real progress we’ve made, we know it’s not enough. our economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the e_pense of a growing middle class. but stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. while the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind – the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills – convinced that the game is fi_ed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful – a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.

there are no quick fi_es to this long-term trend. i agree that our trade should be fair and not just free. but the ne_t wave of economic dislocation won’t come from overseas. it will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.

and so we must forge a new social compact – to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the ta_ code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don’t avoid their obligations to the country that’s made their success possible. we can argue about how to best achieve these goals. but we can’t be complacent about the goals themselves. for if we don’t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.

there’s a second threat to our democracy – one as old as our nation itself. after my election, there was talk of a post-racial america. such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. for race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. i’ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago – you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young americans across the political spectrum.

but we’re not where we need to be. all of us have more work to do. after all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. if we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don’t look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children – because those brown kids will represent a larger share of america’s workforce. and our economy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.

going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination – in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. that’s what our constitution and highest ideals require. but laws alone won’t be enough. hearts must change. if our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in american fiction, atticus finch, who said “you never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”

for blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face – the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender american, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he’s got all the advantages, but who’s seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.

for white americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and jim crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ‘60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our founders promised.

for native-born americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the irish, italians, and poles. america wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation’s creed, and it was strengthened.

so regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.

none of this is easy. for too many of us, it’s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. the rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste – all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. and increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that’s out there.

this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we’ll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. but without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we’ll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.

isn’t that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? how can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we’re cutting ta_es for corporations? how do we e_cuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? it’s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it’s self-defeating. because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.

take the challenge of climate change. in just eight years, we’ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. but without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the e_istence of climate change; they’ll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.

now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. but to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our founders.

it’s that spirit, born of the enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse – the spirit that took flight at kitty hawk and cape canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.

it’s that spirit – a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the great depression, and build a post-world war ii order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on principles – the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.

that order is now being challenged – first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power. the peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. it represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right.

because of the e_traordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and e_ecuted an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although boston and orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. we’ve taken out tens of thousands of terrorists – including osama bin laden. the global coalition we’re leading against isil has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. isil will be destroyed, and no one who threatens america will ever be safe. to all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your commander-in-chief.

but protecting our way of life requires more than our military. democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. so just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against e_ternal aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. that’s why, for the past eight years, i’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing. that’s why we’ve ended torture, worked to close gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. that’s why i reject discrimination against muslim americans. that’s why we cannot withdraw from global fights – to e_pand democracy, and human rights, women’s rights, and lgbt rights – no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how e_pedient ignoring such values may seem. for the fight against e_tremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. if the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.

so let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. isil will try to kill innocent people. but they cannot defeat america unless we betray our constitution and our principles in the fight. rivals like russia or china cannot match our influence around the world – unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.

which brings me to my final point – our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. all of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. when voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote. when trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. when congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid e_tremes.

and all of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings.

our constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. but it’s really just a piece of parchment. it has no power on its own. we, the people, give it power – with our participation, and the choices we make. whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. america is no fragile thing. but the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.

in his own farewell address, george washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;” that we should preserve it with “jealous an_iety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.

we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character are turned off from public service; so coarse with rancor that americans with whom we disagree are not just misguided, but somehow malevolent. we weaken those ties when we define some of us as more american than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect without e_amining our own role in electing them.

it falls to each of us to be those an_ious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we’ve been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. because for all our outward differences, we all share the same proud title: citizen.

ultimately, that’s what our democracy demands. it needs you. not just when there’s an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. if you’re tired of arguing with strangers on the internet, try to talk with one in real life. if something needs fi_ing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing. if you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. show up. dive in. persevere. sometimes you’ll win. sometimes you’ll lose. presuming a reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will be times when the process disappoints you. but for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. and more often than not, your faith in america – and in americans – will be confirmed.

mine sure has been. over the course of these eight years, i’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. i’ve mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in charleston church. i’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch, and our wounded warriors walk again. i’ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. i’ve seen the youngest of children remind us of our obligations to care for refugees, to work in peace, and above all to look out for each other.

that faith i placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary americans to bring about change – that faith has been rewarded in ways i couldn’t possibly have imagined. i hope yours has, too. some of you here tonight or watching at home were there with us in 2004, in 2008, in 2022 – and maybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off.

you’re not the only ones. michelle – for the past twenty-five years, you’ve been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend. you took on a role you didn’t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor. you made the white house a place that belongs to everybody. and a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. you’ve made me proud. you’ve made the country proud.

malia and sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion. you wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. of all that i’ve done in my life, i’m most proud to be your dad.

to joe biden, the scrappy kid from scranton who became delaware’s favorite son: you were the first choice i made as a nominee, and the best. not just because you have been a great vice president, but because in the bargain, i gained a brother. we love you and jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our life.

to my remarkable staff: for eight years – and for some of you, a whole lot more – i’ve drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism. i’ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new journeys of your own. even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let washington get the better of you. the only thing that makes me prouder than all the good we’ve done is the thought of all the remarkable things you’ll achieve from here.

and to all of you out there – every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every american who lived and breathed the hard work of change – you are the best supporters and organizers anyone could hope for, and i will forever be grateful. because yes, you changed the world.

that’s why i leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than i was when we started. because i know our work has not only helped so many americans; it has inspired so many americans – especially so many young people out there – to believe you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves. this generation coming up – unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic – i’ve seen you in every corner of the country. you believe in a fair, just, inclusive america; you know that constant change has been america’s hallmark, something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. you’ll soon outnumber any of us, and i believe as a result that the future is in good hands.

my fellow americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. i won’t stop; in fact, i will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my days that remain. for now, whether you’re young or young at heart, i do have one final ask of you as your president – the same thing i asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.

i am asking you to believe. not in my ability to bring about change – but in yours.

i am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every american whose story is not yet written:

yes we can.

yes we did.

yes we can.

thank you. god bless you. and may god continue to bless the united states of america.

第7篇 告别母校演讲稿范文

尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学们：

大家好。

岁月匆匆,花开花落。转眼间，小学的学习生活就过去了。而今，我们即将毕业。在即将离开母校的时刻，我们的心情十分激动，每个人的心中都充满了留恋之情。回首往事，六年的小学生活历历在目，母校的一草一木，一砖一瓦，都是那样熟悉，那样亲切。我忘不了那一次：

那是去年初夏时节。一天，疾风夹着密集的雨点，不时还传来一阵阵雷声。仅管这样恶劣的天气同学们还在班里上课。乎闻一阵震耳欲聋的雷声，我惊恐的竖耳听着。由于那一堂课我没有认真听，所以老师讲的是什么我一点也不知道。老师叫我放学后在教室等她。放学了，我忐忑不安的在教室等着。伴随一阵脚步声，老师到了教室。她坐在我旁边，给我讲刚才上课的内容，听她那如沐春风的语言，我看着她那股认真劲，我不禁热泪盈眶……

我们身上所有的智慧，所有知识，都是老师辛苦工作的结果。我们成长中的进步，都是老师汗水的浇灌……六年的步覆踏实又匆忙；而当这一切悄然落幕的时候，我才发现，我们走过得辛苦欢乐，过得充实而美丽，我们流过眼泪，却伴着微笑，我们踏着荆棘，却嗅得万里花香，2190天里，我们每个人都长大了许多许多……

谢谢大家。

第8篇 9月份国旗下演讲稿:告别不文明行为

9月份国旗下演讲稿:告别不文明行为

10月份国旗下演讲稿:告别不文明行为

告别不文明行为--今天我讲话的题目是：告别不文明行为。

同学们，今天我先给大家介绍一下我们学校，有的人可能要问：我们天天在学校里，这还要你介绍呀？

我们的学校是政府投资5500万元新建的一所全新的小学，学校有48个班，2735名学习认真，文明守纪的好学生，158名爱岗敬业的教职工，学校是县硬件设施最好，环境最美的校园，现在我们学校正向着一流的镇中心小学大踏步的前进。

说到这里，可能我们不少同学都会产生自豪的心情，但在我们学校努力前行的过程中有一些同学不注意自身形象，给我们这个充满希望的现代化校园涂上不和谐的一笔！今天，我就把平时少先队监督岗发现一些不文明的行为给大家列举出来，我们每个人对照一下：

看看自己现在是否还带零食来学校？

看看自己是不是能主动捡起别人不小心丢下的纸屑？

看看自己上厕所的时候是不是站到了指定的位置？

看看自己从教学楼去前面综合楼上课的时候是不是吵吵闹闹，影响办公楼里的老师办公了？

看看自己是不是能认真完成老师布置的作业？

看看自己是不是每天放学能主动关好教室的门窗？

看看自己洗完手后是不是及时的关掉了水龙头？

看看学校的地面上的口香糖是不是你留下的？

骑车的同学看看自己在校园是不是推着自行车走的？

同学们，昨日的习惯，已经造就了今日的我们；今日的习惯决定明天的我们。让我们从现在做起，从今天做起，培养良好的行为习惯，为实现我们学校的目标共同努力。

9月份国旗下演讲稿:告别不文明行为

第9篇 奥巴马告别演讲稿中英文版

巴拉克·奥巴马是美国第44任总统，随着唐纳德·特朗普的当选，奥巴马的任期也即将结束，下面是小编为大家收集了关于奥巴马告别演讲稿中英文版，希望可以帮助到大家。

以下是奥巴马的告别演说全文：

你好，芝加哥!回家的感觉真好!谢谢，谢谢大家!(省略n个谢谢)

在过去几个星期里，我和michelle收到了各种美好的祝愿，我们非常感动，感谢大家对我的支持。今晚我仍然要向你们表达我的感谢，是你们，身处各地，各个场所的每一位美国人让我保持真诚，是你们给了我灵感，并一直激励着我前进。我每天都在向你们学习，是你们让我成为一个更好的总统，成为一个更优秀的人。

我第一次来到芝加哥还是20岁出头的时候，当时我还处在找寻自我的阶段，还在为自己的生活寻找方向。就在离这不远的一个社区，我开始参与教会团体工作。在这些街区，我看到了信仰的力量，看到了劳动人民面对困境和失意时那种安静的尊严。就是在这里，我了解到只有普通民众都参与进来，变革才会发生，只有我们的力量联合起来，社会才会进步。

现在八年时间过去了，我仍然坚信这一点。我相信，这不只是我自己的一个信念，也是我们整个美国思想的核心所在——对自治进行大胆地尝试。

我们的信念一直是，生来平等，造物者赋予我们一些不可剥夺的权利，其中包括生命、自由以及对幸福的追求。这些权利，虽然人人都有，但并不能自动实现。我们，每一个公民，必须通过民主的工具，来创建一个更加完美的国家。

这是造物者赐予我们的礼物，我们拥有用汗水、辛劳和想象力去追逐我们的个人梦想和自由，同时也承担有团结一致，实现更高目标的义务。我们的国家并不是一开始就是完美的，但是我们已经展示出了改变的能力，并为每一位追随者提供更好的生活。

是的，我们的进步并不均衡，民主工作也一直很艰难，同时存在一定的争议，并且有时是血腥的。每向前迈两步，给人的感觉往往是还要往后退一步。但是美国在漫长的发展过程中，我们一直锐意进取，不断拓宽我们的信条，去拥抱所有，而不仅仅是其中一部分。

如果八年前，我告诉你们，美国将扭转大衰退，重振汽车行业，并创造出历史以来最多的就业机会;如果当时我告诉你们，我们将与古巴人民开启一个新的篇章，停止伊朗核武器计划并揪出9/11事件的幕后主使;如果当时我告诉你们，我们将实现婚姻平等，为另外2000万的同胞赢得健康保险的权利;如果当时我告诉你们这些，你们可能会说我的目标定得有点高。但是现在这就是我们所做到的，这就是你们所做到的。是你们促成了这些变化，你们让希望成真，也正是因为你们，现在的美国比我上任时变得更好、更强。

十天之内，世界将会见证我们民主的一个标志：通过自由选举，将总统的权利和平地移交给下一位总统。我向当选总统特朗普承诺，我会为他提供最平稳的过渡，就像布什总统之前为我做的一样。因为我们所有人都需要确保政府可以帮助我们应对目前面临的诸多挑战。

我们需要去应对这些挑战，因为我们仍然是地球上最富有、最强大也最受尊重的国家，我们的青年和发展动力，我们的多样性和开放程度，我们应对风险和进行革新的能力，都在向我们表明未来应该是属于我们的。

但是，只有我们保持民主这些潜力才会发挥出来。只有当我们的政治反映出人民的正直，只有我们所有人，不论党派关系或特殊利益，都有助于推动我们实现共同目的的渴望时，这些潜力才会发挥出来。

民主不需要同一性，我们的领袖会争吵，会妥协，但他们知道民主需要一种基本的团结意识，虽然我们存在各种差异，但我们仍要团结一致，共同进退。

历史上总会有一些时刻会威胁到这种团结，本世纪便是这样的时刻：世界不断变小，不平等持续扩大，人口变化以及恐怖主义蔓延，这些因素不只是对我们国家安全和经济繁荣的考验，也是对我们民主的考验。我们如何来应对这些挑战，将决定我们是否有能力教育好我们的孩子，创造优质的工作，并保护我们的家园。换言之，它将决定我们的未来。

在过去五十年以来，现在的医疗保健成本正在以最慢的速度上升。如果任何人能够制定一个明显优于目前医疗保健系统的改进计划，并尽可能覆盖更多的人，那我一定会公开表示支持。

我当选后，出现了一种说法是美国进入后种族时代(种族歧视已经不存在)，这只是一个愿景，并不是现实。因为种族问题在我们的社会中仍然是一种强有力的分裂力量。虽然这一问题得到了某种程度的改善，但我们每一个人都需要做出更多的努力。毕竟，如果每一个经济问题都被看作是勤劳的白人中产阶级和不受欢迎的少数民族之间的矛盾，那所有种族的工人只能是争夺蝇头小利，而富人坐收渔翁之利。

这一切都不容易。对于我们中的太多人来说，退回到我们自己的温床里最安全，无论是我们的社区或大学校园或礼拜场所或我们的社交媒体中，和那些与我们相似，有着同样的政治背景，从不质疑我们的假设的人相处最舒适。赤裸裸的党派之争、日益增加的经济和区域分层、媒体的分裂都成为政党宣传的工具——所有这一切使得这种区分似乎变得自然，甚至是不可避免的。我们变得躲在自己的泡沫里，只接受符合我们意见的信息，而不是基于现有证据形成自己的观点。

这不是总是使政治如此沮丧的那部分吗?当我们建议将财务经费投入到孩子们的学龄前教育时，选举官员对赤字感到如此愤怒，但是当为公司削减税收时，为什么不感到愤怒?其它党派做出道德沦丧的事情时，我们紧紧抓住不放，但为什么当我们自己的党派做出相同的事情时，我们却选择原谅?这不仅是不诚实，而是对事实进行选择;这会自取其咎，因为我的妈妈曾经告诉我，“事实总有一天会暴露在你面前。”

在短短8年时间里，我们减少了对外国石油的依赖，使我们的可再生能源增加了一倍，并带领世界达成了一项拯救地球的协议。如果不果断行动，我们的孩子将不会再有时间来辩论气候变化的存在;因为，他们将忙于应对其影响：环境灾难、经济破坏和寻求庇护的气候难民潮。

假装问题不存在不仅背叛了后代，它暴露了这个国家的本质精神。

由于我们的官员、执法人员和外交官的非凡勇气，无论男性还是女性，在过去八年中，没有外国恐怖组织成功实施对我们的家园的袭击，虽然波士顿和奥兰多提醒我们激进组织的危险性，单我们的执法机构比以往更加具有有效性和警惕性。我们已经制服了数万名恐怖分子——包括乌萨马·本·拉登。

我们领导的全球联盟已经牵制了伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国领导人，占领了大约一半的领土。伊黎伊斯兰国将被摧毁，任何威胁美国的人都将被制服。

这就是为什么，在过去八年中，我一直致力于在一个更坚定的法律基础上努力打击恐怖主义，这就是为什么我们能够结束折磨，关闭关塔那摩湾(以作为美军的拘留营而著名)，并改革我们的监管法律，以保护隐私和公民自由。

这就是为什么我反对歧视穆斯林美国人，这就是为什么我们不能退出大规模的全球斗争——我们要扩大民主、人权、妇女权利和lgbt权利，无论我们的努力有多么不完美。因为，这是捍卫美国的一部分。为了反对极端主义以及宗派主义和沙文主义，这是与反威权主义和民族主义侵略的斗争。

这也是我想要表达的最后一点：当我们把民主视为理所当然时，我们的民主就会受到威胁。我们所有人，不论党派，都应该致力于重建我们的民主体制的任务。当投票率是发达民主国家中最低之一时，我们应该使投票更容易，而不是更难。 当我们的组织信任度降低时，我们应该减少金钱在政治中的腐蚀性影响，并坚持透明度和道德的公共服务原则。当国会功能失调时，我们应该吸引我们的地区鼓励政客迎合大众需求，而不是僵化的极端。

所有这一切都取决于我们的参与;我们每个人都有公民的责任，无论权力以何种方式摆动。

我们的宪法是一个了不起的，美丽的礼物。但它真的只是一块羊皮纸。 它自己没有力量。 而是我们，人民，赋予它的权力——我们的参与，和我们做出的选择。 我们是否支持我们的自由，是否尊重和执行法治。美国并不脆弱，但是，我们漫长的自由之旅的成果并不确定。

如果你厌倦了在网络上与陌生人争论，尝试在现实生活中与他们进行谈话吧。 如果有什么需要改变，那就系好你的鞋带，组织一些事情。如果你对你当选的官员感到失望，可以拿一张剪贴板，拿一些签名，自己去办公室，出面，深入追究，坚持不懈。

有时你会赢，有时你会输。假设别人都具有善良的美德可能是一种风险，而且会有一段时间，这个过程会让你失望。但是，对于我们这些有幸成为这项工作的一份子的人来说，仔细想想，我可以告诉你，它可以使每个人得到激励和启发。在这个过程中，你对美国和美国人的信心将得到证实，而我的信仰已经得到证实。

感谢michelle，在过去的25年中，你不仅是我的妻子和我的孩子的母亲，也一直是我最好的朋友。 你所要承担的这个角色并不是你自己要求的，但你却用优雅、坚韧、独特的风格和幽默感成功地完成了角色转变。 你使白宫成为属于每个人的地方。而新一代的年轻人视野会更高，因为他们有你作为榜样。

感谢玛丽亚和萨莎，你们成为了两个了不起的年轻女性，聪明和美丽，但更重要的是，善良和周到，充满激情。你们在聚光灯下承受了多年的负担。在我一生中所做的所有事情中，我最为自豪的是成为你们的父亲。

副总统拜登，是我做出的首个提名，也是最棒的提名。不仅仅是因为你是一个伟大的副总统，也是因为我收获到了你这样一个兄弟。你就像我的家人一样，与你的友谊也是我生活中的一大快乐所在。

对于我那些杰出的工作人员，八年的时间，甚至对其中一些人来说，时间还要更久，我被你们的精力所感染，回想你们每一天的表现，你们的性格、心灵和理想。八年的时间，其中有些人由单身，到结婚生子，开始自己人生路上的新旅程。虽然世事艰难，但你们一直没有被打倒，你们让我自豪。

对于你们所有的人，每位搬到陌生城市的组织者，每一名敲门宣传的志愿者，每一名第一次投票的年轻人，每个为这种变化努力的美国人，你们是最棒的支持者和组织者，我将永远感激在心，因为是你们改变了世界，是你们的功劳。

这也是为什么，我虽然离开仍保持乐观的原因所在，因为我们的工作不仅仅是帮助到很多人，更是激发了很多美国人，尤其是年轻人，相信你们可以有一番作为。

这一代美国人无私、富有创造性，并饱含爱国精神，你们相信公平、公正和包容，你们知道不断保持变化是美国的标志，所以不要害怕，拥抱这些变化，你们会愿意承担这项艰巨的民主工作。你们很快就会超越我们这些人，我相信，未来在你们手中。

我的同胞们，为你们服务是我的荣幸。我不会停止为你们服务，以后我将作为一个公民，与你们站在一起。最后，就像八年前一样，我希望你们能够坚持我们最开始的信念，那些来自奴隶和废奴主义者争取平等的信念，那些移民和自耕农人群的奋斗不息的精神，以及那些对于民主自由权利的争取，这些也是每一位美国人的信念，未来的篇章等待着你们去谱写。

我希望你们能够坚持我们最开始的信念，那些来自奴隶和废奴主义者的想法，那些移民和自耕农人群的精神，以及那些正义的追随者的信仰，这一信念是每个美国人的核心信念，未来的篇章等待着你们去谱写。

是的，我们能行。(yes we can.)

是的，我们做到了。(yes we did.)

是的，我们能行!(yes we can.)

愿上帝保佑你们，愿上帝保佑美国!

英文原文

it’s good to be home. my fellow americans, michelle and i have been so touched by all the well-wishes we’ve received over the past few weeks. but tonight it’s my turn to say thanks. whether we’ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the american people – in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts – are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. every day, i learned from you. you made me a better president, and you made me a better man.

i first came to chicago when i was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who i was; still searching for a purpose to my life. it was in neighborhoods not far from here where i began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. it was on these streets where i witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. this is where i learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.

after eight years as your president, i still believe that. and it’s not just my belief. it’s the beating heart of our american idea – our bold e_periment in self-government.

it’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

it’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-e_ecuting; that we, the people, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.

this is the great gift our founders gave us. the freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination – and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.

for 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. it’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. it’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the rio grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. it’s why gis gave their lives at omaha beach and iwo jima; iraq and afghanistan – and why men and women from selma to stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.

so that’s what we mean when we say america is e_ceptional. not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.

yes, our progress has been uneven. the work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. for every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. but the long sweep of america has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.

if i had told you eight years ago that america would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history…if i had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the cuban people, shut down iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11…if i had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens – you might have said our sights were set a little too high.

but that’s what we did. that’s what you did. you were the change. you answered people’s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, america is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.

in ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the ne_t. i committed to president-elect trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as president bush did for me. because it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.

we have what we need to do so. after all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on earth. our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.

but that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.

that’s what i want to focus on tonight – the state of our democracy.

understand, democracy does not require uniformity. our founders quarreled and compromised, and e_pected us to do the same. but they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity – the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.

there have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity. the beginning of this century has been one of those times. a shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism – these forces haven’t just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well. and how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland.

in other words, it will determine our future.

our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. the wealthy are paying a fairer share of ta_es even as the stock market shatters records. the unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. the uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. and if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we’ve made to our health care system – that covers as many people at less cost – i will publicly support it.

that, after all, is why we serve – to make people’s lives better, not worse.

but for all the real progress we’ve made, we know it’s not enough. our economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the e_pense of a growing middle class. but stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. while the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind – the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills – convinced that the game is fi_ed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful – a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.

there are no quick fi_es to this long-term trend. i agree that our trade should be fair and not just free. but the ne_t wave of economic dislocation won’t come from overseas. it will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.

and so we must forge a new social compact – to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the ta_ code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don’t avoid their obligations to the country that’s made their success possible. we can argue about how to best achieve these goals. but we can’t be complacent about the goals themselves. for if we don’t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.

there’s a second threat to our democracy – one as old as our nation itself. after my election, there was talk of a post-racial america. such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. for race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. i’ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago – you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young americans across the political spectrum.

but we’re not where we need to be. all of us have more work to do. after all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. if we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don’t look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children – because those brown kids will represent a larger share of america’s workforce. and our economy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.

going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination – in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. that’s what our constitution and highest ideals require. but laws alone won’t be enough. hearts must change. if our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in american fiction, atticus finch, who said “you never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”

for blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face – the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender american, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he’s got all the advantages, but who’s seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.

for white americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and jim crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ‘60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our founders promised.

for native-born americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the irish, italians, and poles. america wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation’s creed, and it was strengthened.

so regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.

none of this is easy. for too many of us, it’s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. the rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste – all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. and increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that’s out there.

this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we’ll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. but without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we’ll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.

isn’t that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? how can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we’re cutting ta_es for corporations? how do we e_cuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? it’s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it’s self-defeating. because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.

take the challenge of climate change. in just eight years, we’ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. but without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the e_istence of climate change; they’ll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.

now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. but to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our founders.

it’s that spirit, born of the enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse – the spirit that took flight at kitty hawk and cape canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.

it’s that spirit – a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the great depression, and build a post-world war ii order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on principles – the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.

that order is now being challenged – first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power. the peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. it represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right.

because of the e_traordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and e_ecuted an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although boston and orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. we’ve taken out tens of thousands of terrorists – including osama bin laden. the global coalition we’re leading against isil has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. isil will be destroyed, and no one who threatens america will ever be safe. to all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your commander-in-chief.

but protecting our way of life requires more than our military. democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. so just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against e_ternal aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. that’s why, for the past eight years, i’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing. that’s why we’ve ended torture, worked to close gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. that’s why i reject discrimination against muslim americans. that’s why we cannot withdraw from global fights – to e_pand democracy, and human rights, women’s rights, and lgbt rights – no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how e_pedient ignoring such values may seem. for the fight against e_tremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. if the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.

so let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. isil will try to kill innocent people. but they cannot defeat america unless we betray our constitution and our principles in the fight. rivals like russia or china cannot match our influence around the world – unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.

which brings me to my final point – our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. all of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. when voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote. when trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. when congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid e_tremes.

and all of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings.

our constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. but it’s really just a piece of parchment. it has no power on its own. we, the people, give it power – with our participation, and the choices we make. whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. america is no fragile thing. but the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.

in his own farewell address, george washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;” that we should preserve it with “jealous an_iety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.

we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character are turned off from public service; so coarse with rancor that americans with whom we disagree are not just misguided, but somehow malevolent. we weaken those ties when we define some of us as more american than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect without e_amining our own role in electing them.

it falls to each of us to be those an_ious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we’ve been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. because for all our outward differences, we all share the same proud title: citizen.

ultimately, that’s what our democracy demands. it needs you. not just when there’s an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. if you’re tired of arguing with strangers on the internet, try to talk with one in real life. if something needs fi_ing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing. if you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. show up. dive in. persevere. sometimes you’ll win. sometimes you’ll lose. presuming a reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will be times when the process disappoints you. but for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. and more often than not, your faith in america – and in americans – will be confirmed.

mine sure has been. over the course of these eight years, i’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. i’ve mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in charleston church. i’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch, and our wounded warriors walk again. i’ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. i’ve seen the youngest of children remind us of our obligations to care for refugees, to work in peace, and above all to look out for each other.

that faith i placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary americans to bring about change – that faith has been rewarded in ways i couldn’t possibly have imagined. i hope yours has, too. some of you here tonight or watching at home were there with us in 2004, in 2008, in 2022 – and maybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off.

you’re not the only ones. michelle – for the past twenty-five years, you’ve been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend. you took on a role you didn’t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor. you made the white house a place that belongs to everybody. and a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. you’ve made me proud. you’ve made the country proud.

malia and sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion. you wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. of all that i’ve done in my life, i’m most proud to be your dad.

to joe biden, the scrappy kid from scranton who became delaware’s favorite son: you were the first choice i made as a nominee, and the best. not just because you have been a great vice president, but because in the bargain, i gained a brother. we love you and jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our life.

to my remarkable staff: for eight years – and for some of you, a whole lot more – i’ve drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism. i’ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new journeys of your own. even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let washington get the better of you. the only thing that makes me prouder than all the good we’ve done is the thought of all the remarkable things you’ll achieve from here.

and to all of you out there – every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every american who lived and breathed the hard work of change – you are the best supporters and organizers anyone could hope for, and i will forever be grateful. because yes, you changed the world.

that’s why i leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than i was when we started. because i know our work has not only helped so many americans; it has inspired so many americans – especially so many young people out there – to believe you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves. this generation coming up – unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic – i’ve seen you in every corner of the country. you believe in a fair, just, inclusive america; you know that constant change has been america’s hallmark, something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. you’ll soon outnumber any of us, and i believe as a result that the future is in good hands.

my fellow americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. i won’t stop; in fact, i will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my days that remain. for now, whether you’re young or young at heart, i do have one final ask of you as your president – the same thing i asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.

i am asking you to believe. not in my ability to bring about change – but in yours.

i am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every american whose story is not yet written:

yes we can.

yes we did.

yes we can.

thank you. god bless you. and may god continue to bless the united states of america.

第10篇 英语演讲稿之森豪威尔告别演说

小编导语：这是关于艾森豪威尔的英语演讲稿。第二次世界大战期间，他担任盟军在欧洲的最高指挥官;负责计划和执行监督1944年至1945年里，进攻维希法国和纳粹德国的行动。为第二次世界大战胜利做出了巨大的贡献。小编为大家提供了这篇艾森豪威尔：farewell address 告别演说的演讲稿，欢迎大家的阅读。

dwight d. eisenhower farewell address delivered 17 january 1961

good evening, my fellow americans.

first, i should like to e_press my gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunities they have given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. my special thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening.

three days from now, after half century in the service of our country, i shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the presidency is vested in my successor. this evening, i come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.

like every other -- like every other citizen, i wish the new president, and all who will labor with him, godspeed. i pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.

our people e_pect their president and the congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation. my own relations with the congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the senate appointed me to west point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years. in this final relationship, the congress and the administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the nation good, rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should go forward. so, my official relationship with the congress ends in a feeling -- on my part -- of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.

we now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. three of these involved our own country. despite these holocausts, america is today the strongest, the most influential, and most productive nation in the world. understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that america's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches, and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.

throughout america's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace, to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity, and integrity among peoples and among nations. to strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension, or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt, both at home and abroad.

progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. it commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. we face a hostile ideology global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insiduous [insidious] in method. unhappily, the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. to meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and comple_ struggle with liberty the stake. only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.

crises there will continue to be. in meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. a huge increase in newer elements of our defenses; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic e_pansion in basic and applied research -- these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.

but each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs, balance between the private and the public economy, balance between the cost and hoped for advantages, balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable, balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual, balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. good judgment seeks balance and progress. lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration. the record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of threat and stress.

but threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. of these, i mention two only.

a vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction. our military organization today bears little relation to that known of any of my predecessors in peacetime, or, indeed, by the fighting men of world war ii or korea.

until the latest of our world conflicts, the united states had no armaments industry. american makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. but we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense. we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. we annually spend on military security alone more than the net income of all united states cooperations -- corporations.

now this conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the american e_perience. the total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in every city, every statehouse, every office of the federal government. we recognize the imperative need for this development. yet, we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. our toil, resources, and livelihood are all involved. so is the very structure of our society.

in the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial comple_. the potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power e_ists and will persist. we must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. we should take nothing for granted. only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.

akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades. in this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, comple_, and costly. a steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the federal government.

today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. in the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has e_perienced a revolution in the conduct of research. partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. for every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers. the prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present -- and is gravely to be regarded.

yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.

it is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system -- ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.

another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. as we peer into society's future, we -- you and i, and our government -- must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering for our own ease and convenience the precious resources of tomorrow. we cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. we want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.

during the long lane of the history yet to be written, america knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect. such a confederation must be one of equals. the weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. that table, though scarred by many fast frustrations -- past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of disarmament -- of the battlefield.

disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. because this need is so sharp and apparent, i confess that i lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. as one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war, as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years, i wish i could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.

happily, i can say that war has been avoided. steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. but so much remains to be done. as a private citizen, i shall never cease to do what little i can to help the world advance along that road.

so, in this, my last good night to you as your president, i thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and in peace. i trust in that -- in that -- in that service you find some things worthy. as for the rest of it, i know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.

you and i, my fellow citizens, need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under god, will reach the goal of peace with justice. may we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the nations' great goals.

to all the peoples of the world, i once more give e_pression to america's prayerful and continuing aspiration: we pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may e_perience its few spiritual blessings. those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibility; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; and that the sources -- scourges of poverty, disease, and ignorance will be made [to] disappear from the earth; and that in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.

now, on friday noon, i am to become a private citizen. i am proud to do so. i look forward to it.

thank you, and good night.

第11篇 告别旧年迎接新年的演讲稿范文

新的一年，我多了一份紧迫 时光飞逝，，初三在向我一点点逼近，时间已不在充裕，心灵也不在放松。在这新年来临之际，我又多了一份紧迫。 看！这是万人争过独木桥的时刻，稍不留心，就会有被挤下的危险，每一个不甘于落后的人都拼命的学，用心的学，许多过去放纵自己的同学也改变了自己，加入到用心学的行列，只有几个顽固派分子依旧我行我素。趋于如此之形式，我也惟恐前者弃，后者追。在大家都忙于飞奔时，我也不得不多了一份紧迫，少了一份自由。

忍！在这个时刻，我必须同他人一样，尽心尽力全身心投入学习，付出汗水。以求赢得中考，赢得胜利。没有付出焉能有收获，只怕到时悔之晚矣。不仅为不忍一时而悲，更要面对老师的批评，父母的指责，还有同学的取笑在这无形的重压之下，我得忍，忍住了去勇敢面对。于是乎，便多了一份紧迫，少了一份快乐。 冲！在这个竞争的时刻，有竞争，才有进步。当今社会竞争激烈，学习生涯更亦如此，或许今天你在前，明天就他在前，正是风水轮流转，排名轮流坐。刚上初中时，大家在一起还比物，比穿，比吃。而如今却掀起一股比分热潮，谁的分数高，谁就好象是神，人人羡慕而聚之，谁的分数低 ，谁就会遭人冷眼相待。而好强之心人皆有之，我也想做神，受人敬仰。

为此，心甘情愿向前冲，也就多了一份紧迫。 慢慢地，我们已由玩耍的孩童成长为未来的栋梁，玩之风渐渐被学习的浪潮所淹没。虽然每天都过着从家到学校两点一线的生活，一天又一天地重复着简单而又枯燥乏味的生活：早起，上学，听课，放学，做作业，入睡周而复始的轮回。但在知识的海洋，我又找到了遨游的乐趣，为了更好的明天，我只有放弃暂时的快乐，去拼搏，去努力。 新的一年，我多了一份紧迫 ，也少了一分自由，但我并不为此抱怨，因为我知道，此时的苦是美好未来的垫脚石，乐在其后才是长远的。正所谓其必曰：先多他人之苦而苦，后多他人之乐而乐。所以我感谢这份紧迫！

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第12篇 麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿：老兵永不死

mr. president, mr. speaker, and distinguished members of the congress:

i stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the wake of those great american architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this forum of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. i do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. they must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. i trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which i have to say as solely e_pressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow american.

i address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. the issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. while asia is commonly referred to as the gateway to europe, it is no less true that europe is the gateway to asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. there are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. i can think of no greater e_pression of defeatism. if a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. the communist threat is a global one. its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. you can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in europe.

beyond pointing out these general truisms, i shall confine my discussion to the general areas of asia. before one may objectively assess the situation now e_isting there, he must comprehend something of asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. long e_ploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the philippines, the peoples of asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.

mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of asian progress and it may not be stopped. it is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.

in this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. what they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. world ideologies play little part in asian thinking and are little understood. what the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. these political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.

of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the pacific ocean in the course of the past war. prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the united states lay on the littoral line of the americas, with an e_posed island salient e_tending out through hawaii, midway, and guam to the philippines. that salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.

the pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. all this was changed by our pacific victory. our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire pacific ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the americas and all free lands of the pacific ocean area. we control it to the shores of asia by a chain of islands e_tending in an arc from the aleutians to the mariannas held by us and our free allies. from this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every asiatic port from vladivostok to singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as i said, from vladivostok to singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the pacific.

_any predatory attack from asia must be an amphibious effort._ no amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. with naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental asia toward us or our friends in the pacific would be doomed to failure.

under such conditions, the pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. it assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and e_pense. it envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. the holding of this littoral defense line in the western pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.

this is a military estimate as to which i have yet to find a military leader who will take e_ception. for that reason, i have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must formosa fall under communist control. such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the philippines and the loss of japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of california, oregon and washington.

to understand the changes which now appear upon the chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. china, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. the war-making tendency was almost non-e_istent, as they still followed the tenets of the confucian ideal of pacifist culture. at the turn of the century, under the regime of chang tso lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. this was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of chiang kai-shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.

through these past 50 years the chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. they now constitute e_cellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. this has produced a new and dominant power in asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with soviet russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for e_pansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.

there is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the chinese make-up. the standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.

i have from the beginning believed that the chinese communists' support of the north koreans was the dominant one. their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the soviet. but i believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in korea but also in indo-china and tibet and pointing potentially toward the south reflects predominantly the same lust for the e_pansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.

the japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. with a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.

politically, economically, and socially japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. that it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. i sent all four of our occupation divisions to the korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon japan. the results fully justified my faith. i know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.

of our former ward, the philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the e_isting unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. we must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. a christian nation, the philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of christianity in the far east, and its capacity for high moral leadership in asia is unlimited.

on formosa, the government of the republic of china has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the chinese mainland. the formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.

with this brief insight into the surrounding areas, i now turn to the korean conflict. while i was not consulted prior to the president's decision to intervene in support of the republic of korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we -- as i said, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when red china intervened with numerically superior ground forces.

this created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the north korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.

such decisions have not been forthcoming.

while no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental china, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.

apart from the military need, as i saw it, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the yalu, i felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against china; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the china coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of china's coastal areas and of manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the republic of china on formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.

for entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless american and allied lives, i have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the korean campaign, including our own joint chiefs of staff.

i called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. i made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly chinese force of some 600,000 men on formosa, if not permitted to blockade the china coast to prevent the chinese reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.

we could hold in korea by constant maneuver and in an appro_imate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. i have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.

efforts have been made to distort my position. it has been said, in effect, that i was a warmonger. nothing could be further from the truth. i know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. i have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. indeed, on the second day of september, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the japanese nation on the battleship missouri, i formally cautioned as follows:

men since the beginning of time have sought peace. various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. from the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. military alliances, balances of power, leagues of nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. the utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. we have had our last chance. if we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, armageddon will be at our door. the problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2022 years. it must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.

but once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.

war's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.

in war there is no substitute for victory.

there are some who, for varying reasons, would appease red china. they are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. it points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.

'why,' my soldiers asked of me, 'surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?' i could not answer.

some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with china; others, to avoid soviet intervention. neither e_planation seems valid, for china is already engaging with the ma_imum power it can commit, and the soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.

the tragedy of korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. it condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.

of the nations of the world, korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. the magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the korean people defies description.

they have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. their last words to me were: 'don't scuttle the pacific!'

i have just left your fighting sons in korea. they have met all tests there, and i can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.

it was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and an_iety.

those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.

i am closing my 52 years of military service. when i joined the army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. the world has turned over many times since i took the oath on the plain at west point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but i still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that 'old soldiers never die; they just fade away.'

and like the old soldier of that ballad, i now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as god gave him the light to see that duty.

good bye.

麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死(中文版)”

总统先生，演讲者，议会杰出的成员们：

我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们;自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。整个人类的希望、抱负、信念都集中于此。我站在这里不为任何党派目的辩护，因为议题的根本性超出了党派所能考虑的区域。如果能证明我们的路线稳妥且我们的前途有保障,那些问题就应被放在最高位来解决.因此，我相信，你们会公正地把我所表达的当作一个美国同胞的观点。

我演讲既不带人生暮年的怨恨也不带伤感之情，但心中只有一个目的：为我的祖国效劳。虽然亚洲被认为是通往欧洲的大门，但说欧洲是通往亚洲的大门也没有错。且一方的广泛影响不得不带动另一方。一些人声称我们的力量不足以同时保护两条线路，我们不能分散精力。我认为没有比这更能表现出失败主义的了。如果潜在性的敌人能将他们的力量分为两条路线，那对我们来说就要对他们的力量予以反击。共产主义者的威胁是一个全球性的问题。他们在每个防区的成功进展直接预示着我们每隔一个防区将遭到破坏。我们不会为让亚洲的共产主义投降而不能同时削弱我们的力量去遏止欧洲的发展而感到安慰。

说了太多的共知之理，我会简略我关于亚洲地区的讨论。在某人能客观地对那里存在的形势作出评估之前，他必须了解一些关于亚洲的过去和他们沿着自己的路线发展至今的改革变化。被所谓的殖民统治长期的剥削，便很难有机会建立社会的公正尺度，维护个人尊严，或者实现一个高水平的生活，就像保卫我们在菲律宾自己崇高的政府，亚洲的人民抓住了他们的时机在战争中摆脱了殖民统治的束缚并且看到了新时机的曙光，一种从未感受过的尊严和一个国家自由后的自尊感。

集合地球一半的人数，有60%的自然资源被这些人迅速地加强成为一种新的力量，精神上的和物质上的都被用来提升生活水平也是为适应对自己的不同文化环境的最新进展的谋划。不管谁是否拘泥于殖民的概念，这是亚洲发展进步的方向且不会被终止。这是世界金融尖端转变的必然结果，就像整个世界事物的中心正循环着回到它的起始点。

在这种形势之下，我们用基本发展的状况使自己国家和东方国家在政策上保持和谐而不是一味追求不明现实的路线，因为殖民时代已经过去且亚洲人正为实现他们自由的命运而垂延。他们当今寻求的是友好的指引、协议、和支持——而不是专横的引导——是平等尊严而不是耻辱地屈从。他们战前的生活标准低得令人同情，现在又因战争所带来的破坏而变得更加无限的低。世界的意识形态几乎不把亚洲考虑在内，不给予他们体谅。那儿的人民为之拼命的只是为了能得到更多一点食物来填饱肚子，有稍好一点的衣物来遮背，盖结实些的屋顶在他们的头上，和普通国民们渴望政治自由的意识。这些政治社会性的条件为国内安全给予了间接的保障，不过要对慎重考虑过的现时方案建立背景来决定我们是否要避免不切实际的意外事件。

能直系和快速地稳固住国内安全的是过去太平洋战争路线战略上的改变。先前的美国西面战略部署是美国原本线路，附和着暴露的岛屿夏威夷、中途岛、关岛通向菲律宾。这种战线证明了不是敌方前哨的力量而是我方暴露的弱点使敌人有机可乘太平洋地区是个令任何强国都虎视眈眈谋求发展和扩张领土的地方。所有一切都被太平洋战争的胜利改变了，我们那具有战略意义的边界才成为我们所拥有的整个太平洋，只要我们能够抓住它便能使其成为巨大的护城河。千真万确，它充当的是所有美国乃至整个太平洋自由领土的护盾。我们控制亚洲成弧形链状海岸线的岛屿从琉球到马尼拉都受我们和盟军控制。由这诸些岛屿我们能支配从海参葳到新加坡亚洲港口的海洋和空中力量——有了海洋上的和空中的力量——如我所说的——从海参葳到新加坡——保护并抵御太平洋上不友好的动机。

在亚洲任何凶狠的进攻都必须具备两股力量。无任何两种力量能在没有海洋和空中的掌控权之下在推进道路上取得成功。有了海军、重要的空军和适度的陆军来保卫基地，任何对亚洲大陆的以及我们和我们在太平洋上的朋友的蓄意攻击都必将逃不了失败的厄运。

在如此状况下，太平洋代表的不仅仅是预想中的侵略者的一种威胁。假定那里是个友好的和平湖畔，我们的防御路线就十分自然而且可花费最小的军事代价来维持。想象没有任何袭击，也用不着为突袭性的攻击而设置堡垒，只要适当维护，这将是抵制侵略的不可战胜的防御。

在西太平洋上想拥有这种防御力因此要依赖各个部分，因为不友好的力量导致的任何线路破裂都会遭来每个部分在有预谋的攻击下变得十分脆弱。

这是我仍在寻找的要接替我的军事领头者应当持有的军事评估。因为这个原因，我过去强烈地推荐自己，成为一个至关重要的军事代理，没有稳固的经济基础台湾就只能在共产主义的掌控下。这样一个世界有可能立刻就威胁到菲律宾和失败后的日本的自由，也会迫使我们西方的防守边界退到加利福尼亚沿岸、奥勒岗和华盛顿。

要了解中国大陆所发生的变化，就必须知道50年来中国体制和文化的变化。中国，50年前是完全没有团结意识，分裂成很多团体互相争斗。经过过去的五十年中国人开始有了武装的概念和理想。如今他们组成了拥有胜任的参谋长和司令的优秀士兵团体。这就在亚洲诞生了一股新的统治力量，为了实现自己的目标，他们与观念方法都成了具帝国主义的苏联结盟，同时他们也带着扩张领土、增强实力的渴望趋向帝国主义。

他们都使用精力来扭曲我的职位。结果我被说成了是个好战分子。没有事物能够越加远离真理。我明白现在活着的人当中几乎没多少能真正了解战争，没有比这更令我心情不悦的了。因为对朋友和敌人带来的破坏已经致使一系列国际上的争论都毫无用处，我倡导这项废除令很久了。事实上，在1945年9月2日，就跟在日本国在密苏里号战舰上投降后，我正式警告如下：

“人类从一开始就寻求和平。不同的时代各式各样的方法都被用来设计国际性的进程，来平息和解国与国之间的争论。有许多可行性的方法是被个别的公民发掘的，但是在一个巨大的国际范围中，技术工人用单一的手段还从未成功过。军事的联盟，实力的平衡，国家的结盟，轮流着失败，留下这唯一的路径来当作战争的严酷考验。战争带来的整个破坏现在产生了二选一。我们只有最后的机会。如果我们我们不能设计出一些更好更公平的制度，大决战将近在咫尺。问题是神奇的，它涉及到一种精神的再生和人类性格的改进，将与我们在科学、艺术、文学及所有物质文化2022年来的发展近乎史无前例的同步进展。如果我们要保存肉体就必须有精神作支撑。”

但是一旦战争逼迫着我们发生，那就没有选择的尽力使战争尽快结束。战争的目的是为了胜利，而不是为了无休止的延长。战争中没有东西能代替胜利。有一些人因为各种原因要安慰红色中国。他们无视历史的教训，因为历史无庸质疑地强调了抚慰只能招致更血性的战争。就像敲诈勒索，它爆发于连续不断的新的需求，在威胁中，暴力成为了仅存的另外选择。“为什么?”我的士兵问我，“难道要我们在战场上放弃对敌人的优势?”我无言以对。

有人会说：和中国携手进行一次全力以赴的战争来避免冲突的传播;另外，要避免苏联的干涉。似乎没有一种解释是有效的，因为中国已经表明有了最大限度的影响力，且苏联不会迎合我们的步伐。就如一条眼镜蛇，当新的敌人感到军事上的相互依存或者别的遍及世界的潜在诱惑，他们就很可能会发动进攻。

事实使韩国的悲剧更为加深了，军事行动缩小了他们的国界。那个我们要拯救的国家、他们要饱受整个海军和空军毁灭性的对抗，然而敌人的地盘却在如此的攻击和破坏之下全全得到保护，这是受到谴责的。在世界上所有的国家中，韩国是仅存的唯一冒险反对共产主义的国家。韩国人民巨大的勇气和刚毅拒绝描述。比起奴隶身份他们情愿选择了拼死。他们对我留下的最后一句话是：“决不能逃离太平洋!”我只为你们留下了英勇善战的儿子们。他们在那遇到了各种各样的考验，我会毫无保留地向你们汇报他们在每个方面都很出色。

我持久地尽我所能去保护他们光荣地结束这场野蛮的冲突，并且要花费最少的时间，付出最小的牺牲。那些日趋增长的杀戮给我带来了极度的痛苦和忧虑。那些勇敢的人们永久地留在我的脑海中以及我的祈祷文里。

我即将结束我52年的戎马生涯了。还在本世纪开始前当我加入陆军时，我孩提时代所有的希望和梦想便实现了。自从我在西点广场上虔诚地宣誓以来，世界已几经倾覆，希望和梦想也早已消失，但我仍记得那时最流行的一首军歌中的句子，它自豪地宣布：

“老兵永远不死，他们只是悄然隐去。”

像那首歌中的老兵一样，我作为一名在上帝的光辉下尽心尽职的老兵，现在结束我的军事生涯，悄然隐去。

再见。

第13篇 《告别网吧，做文明健康的中学生》演讲稿公众演讲

现在随着中国社会的不断发展，人们的生活也逐渐富裕起来，网络也跟着在社会中流行，融入到了我们生活中去，而且扩张的范围很大，尤其是对于中学生来说更是对“网络”爱不释手。为此，上个星期，老师叫我写有关网络文明的演讲稿，我想就写“告别网吧，做文明健康中学生”为题的演讲稿吧，于是我就中学生告别网吧一事专门调查了几位同学，他们中的一些坚定的摇了头，并说出了一大堆上网的好处，而且反问了我：“你也不是经常上网吗？”，于是，产生了我的几个思考：告别网吧，是不是就等于告别了网络？告别网吧现实吗？我们的中学生在接触网络时，该如何把持自己呢？

老师说过，21世纪是知识经济的时代，是网络时代，是人类数字化生存的时代，电脑和网络，是每一个学生都必须掌握的一门课程。在美国等西方国家，四五年级的学生都能够熟练地使用电脑、网络、查阅资料，学习知识。相比之下，让我们中学生告别网络的做法，我想在座的同学没有一个会同意的。但我们法律为什么又规定“禁止未成年人进入网吧”？首先，我们不能把“网络”等同于“网吧”。不接触网吧，我们同样可以接触网络。比如通过：家庭个人电脑、学校电脑室等，当然，这方面的开发和利用，有待学校、老师、家长和我们同学的共同认识基础上逐步实现。第二，表面禁止的同时，深含对我们未成年人的身心保护。我们中学生迷恋网吧，不能自拔，导致学业无成，甚至是猝死网吧的现象时有耳闻，一旦事件发生，我们总认为这是因无知而犯下的错，但也为时已晚。“禁止未成年人进入网吧”是为了让我们的学生少犯或不犯同样的错误，让更多的人来关爱我们这些未成人。

但是，目前那些黑网吧，象一个个美丽的陷阱，使许多同学丢魂失魄、丧失意志、无心学习、前途废弃。据调查，学生上网80%以上是打游戏，15%左右是交友聊天，真正查询资料用于学习的为数极少。有13%以上的男生很喜欢上网或迷恋上网，达到了严重影响学习的地步。一到寒暑假，学生们更是肆无忌惮，不少学生生通宵达旦地玩电游、上网。网上游戏、网上聊天和网上色情是网络三个魔爪，是使中学生堕落的三大杀手。由于网络游戏、色情和聊天充满刺激、惊险和浪漫，许多网迷一旦接触，便深陷其中而不能自拔、网上“三魔爪”又被称作“电子海洛因”，是杀人不眨眼的刽子手。同学们，你们听说过这么一件事没有？为了搞到钱到网吧里玩游戏，山东省聊城市的三名中学生竟想出了拦路抢劫的办法，仅5月6日到5月11日短短6天时间，他们就作案3起。据这三名中学生交代，他们泡网吧成瘾，但又没那么多钱，只好向家长撒谎要，不行就去偷、去抢。

如何防止让我们中学生上网上瘾，真正做到未成年人不入网吧？我认为最重要的是家庭、学校、社会齐抓共管，真正重视我们中学生的心理需求，在心理上加以指导，帮助摆脱心理压境，提高心理素质。此外，提高我们中学生的现实交往能力，培养自信心才是摆脱“上网成瘾“的根本。我建议我们学校要多开展一些健康、有益的文体活动，开放电脑室和阅览室，让我们中学生旺盛的精力有“用武之地”。

同学们，让我们共同携手，树立坚定的信念，告别网吧，做文明健康中学生吧！

第14篇 告别2022迎接2022演讲稿

悄然间，我们又在时光的沙滩上多印了一个脚印。马上就要迎来2022了，下面是由酷猫写作范文网为大家提供的演讲稿范文，希望能帮助到你。

告别2022迎接2022演讲稿

尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学们：

我们怀着激动地心情，迎来了__年元旦。在此，我向辛勤培育我们的老师们送去新年的祝福：祝老师工作顺利，幸福安康。同时也祝福同学们学习进步，更上一层楼。

明天就是__年的1月1日，也就是元旦。“元”是第一或开始的意思，“旦”是太阳升起或白天的意思。元旦，就是新年的第一天。从字面上看，“旦”字上面的日就是太阳，下面的一横表示广阔的海面，表示一轮红日从海上喷薄而出，放射出灿烂的光芒，生动地反映了旭日东升的形象，它蕴涵着一种蓬勃的生机，表明一种美好的开始。

为庆祝元旦，我们举办了这个新年联欢会，同学们都特别开心，特别快乐，多有趣呀!回首即将过去的一年，我们每个人都心潮澎湃，感慨万千。同学们在老师的辛勤培育下，通过努力，取得了不错的成绩，为班级争得了荣誉。在新的一年，我们要为自己定下新的计划，从现在开始，努力学好各门功课，积极参加学校组织的各项活动，为了同一个目标团结合作，努力拼搏。让我们把在__年收获的一点一滴带到崭新的__年，让我们把精彩和欢乐带到__!

老师是最辛苦的，他们是我们成长的领路人，让我们以热烈的掌声感谢为我们付出心血的老师， 祝老师们工作顺利!健康快乐!祝同学们取得好成绩，在新的一年里有新的进步!

告别2022迎接2022演讲稿篇，尽在酷猫写作范文网。

第15篇 初中毕业生告别母校演讲稿

各位敬爱老师，同学们： 大家好！今天，我站在这里，代表全体初三毕业生向我们的母校道别，向×三中的老师们道别，向朝夕相处的同窗们道别，也向这段不能忘怀的岁月道别！让我们真诚的向老师们说一声：谢谢，向学弟、学妹们道声：努力！ 此时此刻，我的心情无比激动，即有毕业的喜悦，也有掩不住无限的回忆与留恋。三年的学习时光，弹指一挥间，但很多记忆将成为我们生命中最为珍重的收藏：葳蕤的杨树，宽阔的操场，如画的长廊，明亮的教室。我们一定还记得刚入校时你我所立的雄心壮志，一定还记得在教室、图书馆和实验室中你我孜孜不倦学习、研究的身影，一定还记得老师的谆谆教诲和习题获得突破时你我那种发自内心的喜悦，一定还记得在运动场上你我生龙活虎的锻炼场景，太多太多的情景值得我们去回忆。这三年的路，我们走的辛苦而快乐，三年的生活，我们过的充实而美丽，我们流过眼泪，却伴着欢笑，我们踏着荆棘，却嗅得万里花香。 三年的初中生活，使我们从一个不懂事儿童，成为了一名踌躇满志的青少年；从不敢离开父母的怀抱，到不怕坚险，勇于拼搏。三年来，一千零五十多个日日夜夜，母校不懈地用知识武装我。现在，我们不仅学会了语文、数学，而且学会了物理和化学，不仅提笔能写文章，而且知道了分子和原子及各种知识。最重要的一点在于，使我更清楚地知道怎么爱中国、爱社会主义，维护世界和平。这是学校教育的结果，这是老师们心血的结晶。 在这毕业之际，我感谢美丽的母校，给了我知识的琼浆、智慧的力量和做人的道理；感谢敬爱的老师们那淳淳教诲和无私的关爱，您对我们的恩情比山还高，比海还深。 今天的毕业不仅是对昨天的总结，更是对明天的呼唤。以后我们将要进入高中去学习。还会进入大学深造，会扛枪保卫祖国的边陲，会上山去找矿，会进工厂去做工，会到广漠的原野上去耕耘。我们还会奔向世界各地，去纽约、巴黎、伦敦。但我们无论在什么地方，无论干什么工作，我们永远和这里心连心。老师们，请相信，我们在新的地方一定会保持三中学生的优良传统，去拼搏、去奋斗、去创造，绝不会辜负你们的信任！ 三中的全体同学们，虽然我们毕业了，但你们还要继续在这里学习和生活，希望你们今后要努力学习、团结友爱、讲究文明、遵守纪律，不仅要成为一名合格的

《初中毕业生告别母校演讲稿》