西方演讲稿理论(7篇)

第1篇 美国国务卿约翰·克里在东西方中心关于美国亚太政策英语演讲稿

mr. morrison: well, thank you. aloha. i want to welcome everyone. and for our onlineaudience, and also for the secretary, i’d like to describe who is here in our audience. we havethe mayor of honolulu, mayor caldwell. we have our senator, mazie hirono. we have ourformer governor, george ariyoshi, and our other former governor, john waihee. we have manymembers of the business and intellectual and public affairs community here in honolulu. wehave members of the diplomatic corps. we have members of our men and women in uniform.we have the members of the board of governors of the east-west center. we have the staff ofthe east-west center. we have friends of the east-west center. and most importantly, we havefuture leaders of the asia pacific region. and i was just telling the secretary, i think yesterdaywe welcomed 130 new participants from the united states and 40 other countries. they’re hereon a unique program to prepare them for being future regional and global leaders.

now, how do you introduce a man who is so well-known for his own leadership and --

secretary kerry: first thing, you can just tell everybody to sit down.

mr. morrison: oh. (laughter.) please sit down, yes. (laughter.) thank you, mr. secretary.anyway, as you know, he has served in war and peace. he was a senator for 28 years; 59million americans voted for him for president, including 54 percent of the voters of hawaii. (laughter and applause.) but as a former senate staff person, i thought the way to reallycheck him out was to see how his confirmation hearing went. now, the issues werecontroversial but the nominee was not controversial, and what his former colleagues saidabout him, republicans and democrats, i think give the essence of the man: e_tremely wellprepared, born in a foreign service family, served all 28 years on the senate foreign relationscommittee, four years as the chairman of that committee. he knows the languages – severalforeign languages, countries, leaders, and issues. he is a man of incredible moral andintellectual integrity. he brings conviction and compassion to his job and great energy. hehas been, i think, on his seventh trip to asia, coming back and so we want to welcome him backto the united states. we want to welcome him to our most asia pacific state, and we want towelcome him to the east-west center, an institution that’s building community with thisvast region which is so systemically important to the future of the united states.

mr. secretary of state. (applause.)

secretary kerry: thank you. well, good afternoon, everybody. aloha. it’s wonderful to behere in hawaii, and man, i can’t tell you how i wish i was as rela_ed as some of you in yourbeautiful shirts. (laughter.) here i am in my – whatever you call it – uniform. uniform, somewould say. but it is such a pleasure to be here. mr. mayor, it’s great to be here with you. andmazie, thank you. it’s wonderful to see you, senator. i’m very happy to see you. thanks forbeing here. and governors, thank you for being here very much.

ladies and gentlemen, distinguished guests all, it’s a great, great pleasure for me to be ableto be here. and president morrison, thank you very much for that generous introduction. iappreciate it very much.

charles was way ahead of the curve, folks, in seeing the trend towards regionalism in the asiapacific in the early 1990s. and he was calling for community-building within east asia wellbefore it became a standard topic of discussion on the think tank circuit. so clearly, and toeveryone’s benefit, he’s had an ability to focus on the long game. and that is a talent that heactually shares with one of the founding fathers of this institution, a former colleague,beloved to all of you, who became a great friend to me, and that’s senator dan inouye. duringmy sort of latter years, i actually moved up to about seventh in seniority or something in theunited states senate, and had i not been appointed to this job, with all of the retirements thatare taking place, i don’t know, i might have been third or fourth or something, which is kind ofintimidating. but as a result of that, i got to sit beside the great dan inouye for four or fiveyears in the senate. our desks were beside each other, and we became very good friends. hewas one of the early supporters of mine when i decided to run for president in ’04, ’03. butmost importantly, dan inouye, as all of you know, was a patriot above all who commandedremarkable respect and affection of all of his colleagues. and hawaii was so wise to keep himin office for so many years.

having just visited yesterday guadalcanal, having stood up on what was called bloody ridge,edson’s ridge, and walked into one of the still remaining bunkers that marines were dug in onagainst 3,000-plus japanese who kept coming at them wave after wave in the evening, it’s – itwas a remarkable sense of the battle that turned the war. and no place knows the meaning ofall of that better than here in hawaii.

yesterday commemorated really one of the great battles of the second world war, and so itgave me a chance to reflect with special pride and with humility about dan’s service to ourcountry. he was a hero in the war, against difficult circumstances which we all understand toowell. but he became the first japanese american to serve in the house of representatives andthe united states senate, against all the odds of what was still a prevailing sense in ourcountry of misunderstanding between people. and he just never let that get in the way. heshared a very personal commitment to strengthening ties between the united states and theasia pacific. and that’s why he championed the east-west center for decades, and i want you toknow that president obama and i strongly support your mission of bringing people together tothink creatively about the future of our role in the region and how we overcome the kinds ofinherent, visceral differences that sometimes are allowed to get in the way of relationships, andfrankly, in the way of common sense.

we remember too well in america that slavery was written into our constitution long before itwas written out of it. and we all know the struggle that it took – e_cuse me – to write it out. soas we look at the world today – complicated, difficult, tumultuous, volatile – for so many ofus who have spent decades working on issues central to the asia pacific, there’s actuallysomething particularly e_citing about this moment. it’s almost e_hilarating when you look atasia’s transformation. and like dan inouye, i have had the privilege, as many of you havehere i can see, you’ve lived a lot of that transformation firsthand.

a number of my – (coughing) – e_cuse me, it’s the virtue of many hours in an airplane. anumber of my ancestors from boston and from massachusetts were merchants whose shipsdropped anchor in hong kong as they plied the lonely trade routes to china. my grandfather,actually, was born in shanghai and was a businessman who had a partnership with a chinesebusinessman. so in our family and in massachusetts, we’ve had a long sense of the possibilitiesand of this relationship. today, east asia is one of the largest, fastest growing, most dynamicregions in the entire world. and when the trans-pacific partnership negotiations are complete,about 40 percent of global gdp will be linked by a high-standard trade agreement, a tradeagreement that creates a race to the top, not a race to the bottom, where people understandthe rules of engagement and there’s accountability and transparency, and business andcapital know e_actly what the rules of the road will be so they’re attracted to invest each in eachother’s countries.

after college, i had the privilege of serving in the united states navy. and i went throughpearl harbor. i had a remarkable several days here as a young officer on a frigate before weset sail to cross the pacific. and i drove all over the island everywhere, in places i probablywasn’t supposed to. but i loved it and then spent a second tour in the rivers of vietnam. andback then, the word vietnam – just saying vietnam – carried with it an ominous meaning. itmeant war. it meant huge dissent in america, families torn apart. but today, vietnam, whenyou say it, has a whole different meaning to most people. it’s now a dynamic country filledwith economic opportunity. it’s a market for our businesses and our investors. it’s a classroomfor our children. it has one of the largest fulbright programs in the world. and it’s a partner intackling regional economic and security challenges.

such e_traordinary transformations have actually become almost the norm in this region. i’llnever forget, 15 years ago, i visited in then burma – no confusion with myanmar but nowpeople choose what they want to call it. but i visited with daw aung sung sui kyi in the veryhome in which she was imprisoned for nearly two decades. and this week, i had the privilegeof again going back to the very same house – it hadn’t changed, looked the same. she, by theway, 20 years later looks the same. and she is now free to speak her mind as a member ofparliament.

it’s remarkable. it doesn’t mean all the president are solved. but these transformations arejust some of what makes asia the most e_citing and promising places on the planet.

i am returning, as president morrison has said, from actually my si_th trip to the asia pacific in18 months as secretary of state. and later today, i’ll be meeting with our outstandingcommander of united states forces in the pacific to review a range of america’s formidablemilitary presence issues. i have we know that america’s security and prosperity are closely and increasingly linked to the asiapacific. and that’s why president obama began what is known as the rebalance to asia in 2022.that’s why he’s asked me to redouble my own efforts in the region over the ne_t two and halfyears. and that’s why i want to talk to you today about four specific opportunities: creatingsustainable economic growth, powering a clean energy revolution, promoting regionalcooperation, and empowering people.

now, these important opportunities can and should be realized through a rules-based regionalorder, a stable regional order on common rules and norms of behavior that are reinforced byinstitutions. and that’s what holds the greatest potential for all of us for making progress. wesupport this approach, frankly, because it encourages cooperative behavior. it fostersregional integration. it ensures that all countries, big and small – and the small part is reallyimportant – that they have a say in how we work together on shared challenges. i want you toknow that the united states is deeply committed to realizing this vision. president obama ise_cited about it. he wants us all to be committed to fostering it and also to understanding whywe’re doing it. and frankly, it is this vision that is the underlying reason that so manycountries in asia choose to work with the united states.

you hear some people today talking about the united states retrenching or disengaging.nothing could be further from the truth. i think we’re more engaged and more active in morecountries and more parts of the world than any time in american history. and i can tell you thatbecause just driving over here i was on the phone to people in the middle east, talking about aceasefire which is now going to be in place in the ne_t days; talking about the road ahead. justcame back from afghanistan, where we’re working on the transition to the people ofafghanistan, to their future. we’re engaged with iran, working on the nuclear program; withthe dprk, with china, and sudan, and central africa. we just had 50-plus african leaders towashington to talk about the future of american engagement there. we are deeply engagedin a very, very comple_ world.

but this speech and this moment here at the university and at the center, and the trip that ijust made to asia, are meant to underscore that even as we focus on those crises that i’ve justlisted and on conflicts that dominate the headlines on a daily basis and demand our leadership– even as we do that, we will never forget the long-term strategic imperatives for americaninterests. as secretary of state, my job isn’t just to respond to crises. it’s also about definingand seizing the long-term opportunities for the united states. and having just traveled toburma, australia, and the solomon islands, i can tell you that nowhere are those strategicopportunities clearer or more compelling than in the asia pacific.

that’s why we are currently negotiating a comprehensive and ambitious trans-pacificpartnership agreement that will create thousands of new jobs here in america as well as inother countries, and it will spur this race to the top, not to the bottom. it raises the standardsby which we do business. that’s why we’re elevating our engagement in multilateralinstitutions, from the asean regional forum to the east asia summit. and that’s why we arerevitalizing our security partnerships with our treaty allies: japan, australia, south korea, andthe philippines. and that’s why we are standing up for the human rights and the fundamentalfreedoms that people in asia cherish as much as any people in the world.

i have no illusions about the challenges, and nor does president obama. they are comple_ inthis 21st century, in many ways far more comple_ than the bipolar, east-west, soviet union-versus-west world – the cold war that many of us grew up in. this is far more complicated.it’s far more, in many ways, like 19th century and 18th century diplomacy, with statesasserting their interests in different ways and with more economic players in the planet thanwe had in the 20th century with power and with a sense of independence. but what i want toemphasize to you all today is there is a way forward. this is not so daunting that it’sindescribable as to what we can do.

so how do we make our shared vision a reality for the region and ensure that asia contributesto global peace and prosperity? first, we need to turn today’s economic nationalism andfragmentation into tomorrow’s sustainable growth. i say it all the time: foreign policy iseconomic policy, and economic policy is foreign policy. they are one and the same. there’s nodenying that particularly in asia pacific. asia pacific is an engine of global economic growth, butwe can’t take that growth for granted.

because what we face something that is really a common challenge. across the world, we haveseen a staggering growth in youth populations. at the africa summit it was just underscored tous there are 700 million people under the age of 30. we’ve seen staggering growth in theseyouth populations. and guess what. in the 21st century, in 2022 when everybody’s runningaround with a mobile device and everybody’s in touch with everybody every day all the time,all of these people are demanding an opportunity. they’re demanding dignity. andju_taposed to their hopes, a cadre of e_tremists, of resisters, of naysayers are waiting to seducemany of those young people into accepting a dead end. and let me tell you, when people don’thave a job, when they can’t get an education, when they can’t aspire to a better future forthemselves and for their families, when their voices are silenced by draconian laws or violenceand oppression, we have all witnessed the instability that follows.

now happily, many, if not most governments, in asia are working to present booming youthpopulations with an alternative, with a quality education, with skills for the modern world,with jobs that allow them to build a life and a confidence in their countries. that is part of thereason why the young people in asia are joining the ranks of the middle class, not the ranks ofviolent e_tremists. and the fact is that too many countries around the world are struggling toprovide those opportunities. there’s a lack of governance, and we ignore the importance of thiscollective challenge to address the question of failed and failing states in other parts of theworld.

in the 21st century, a nation’s interests and the well-being of its people are advanced not justby troops or diplomats, but they’re advanced by entrepreneurs, by chief e_ecutives ofcompanies, by the businesses that are good corporate citizens, by the workers that theyemploy, by the students that they train, and the shared prosperity that they create. that iswhy we are working with partners across the asia pacific to maintain and raise standards as wee_pand trade and investment by pursuing a comprehensive trans-pacific partnershipagreement.

now, the tpp represents really an e_citing new chapter in the long history of america’s mutuallybeneficial trade partnerships with the countries of the asia pacific. it is a state-of-the-art, 21stcentury trade agreement, and it is consistent not just with our shared economic interests, butalso with our shared values. it’s about generating growth for our economies and jobs for ourpeople by unleashing a wave of trade, investment, and entrepreneurship. it’s about standing upfor our workers, or protecting the environment, and promoting innovation. and it’s aboutreaching for high standards to guide the growth of this dynamic regional economy. and all ofthat is just plain good for businesses, it’s good for workers, it’s good for our economies. andthat’s why we must get this done.returned again and again to this region – i can’t tell you howmany times i went, mazie, as a senator to the region. and we are now – we take our enduringinterests there, obviously, very, very seriously.

now, every time i travel to asia, i have the privilege of meeting with young entrepreneurs andbusiness leaders. in fact, at the africa summit the other day we had this wonderful group ofyoung african leaders – all entrepreneurs, all these young kids in their 20s doinge_traordinary things. it’s call the young african leaders initiative, which president obamastarted.

in hanoi last december, i launched the governance for inclusive growth program to supportvietnam’s transition to a market-based economy. i’ve met with entrepreneurs in seoul andmanila to talk about how we can drive innovation. on saturday, i discussed with my aseancounterparts the framework for creating business opportunities and jobs that we calle_panded economic engagement, or e3. and just yesterday, i met with business leaders insydney, australia to e_plore ways to reduce the barriers to trade and investment.

to broaden the base of support for this strategy, we need to focus not only on rapid growth,but we also need to focus on sustainability. and that means making the best use of regionalinstitutions. president obama will join apec economic leaders in beijing this fall to focus onpromoting clean and renewable fuels and supporting small businesses and women’sparticipation in the economy and e_panding educational e_changes. and just a few days ago,i met with ministers from the lower mekong initiative countries to deepen our partnership andhelp them wrestle with the challenges of food and water and energy security on the mekongriver.

ultimately, the true measure of our success will not be just whether our economies continue togrow, but how they continue to grow. and that brings me to our second challenge: we need toturn today’s climate crisis into tomorrow’s clean energy revolution. now, all of this – all of usin this room understand climate change is not a crisis of the future. climate change is herenow. it’s happening, happening all over the world. it’s not a challenge that’s somehow remoteand that people can’t grab onto.

but here’s the key: it’s happening at a rate that should be alarming to all of us becauseeverything the scientists predicted – and i’ll tell you a little addendum. al gore – i had theprivilege of working with al gore and tim worth and a group of senators – jack heinz – backin the 1980s when we held the first hearing on climate change in 1988. that’s when jimhansen from nasa came forward and said it’s happening. it’s happening now in 1988. in 1992we had a forum down in brazil, rio, the earth summit. george herbert walker bushparticipated. we came up with a voluntary framework to deal with climate change, butvoluntary didn’t work. and for 20 years nothing much happened. then we went to kyoto. wewent to all these places to try to do something, and here we are in 2022 with a chance ne_tyear in 2022 to do it.

and what’s happening is the science is screaming at us. ask any kid in school. theyunderstand what a greenhouse is, how it works, why we call it the greenhouse effect. theyget it. and here’s what – if you accept the science, if you accept that the science is causingclimate to change, you have to heed what those same scientists are telling us about how youprevent the inevitable consequences and impacts. you can’t – that’s why president obamahas made climate change a top priority. he’s doing by e_ecutive authority what we’re notable to get the congress to do. and we’re working very hard to implement the climate actionplan and lead by e_ample. we’re doubling the fuel efficiency of cars and trucks on america’sroads. we’ve developed new standards that ensure that e_isting power plants are as clean aspossible and as efficient as possible. and we’re committed to reducing greenhouse gasesand emissions in the range of about 17 percent below 2022 levels by 2022.

so we’re heading in the right direction. but make no mistake about it: our response has tobe all hands on deck. by definition, rescuing the planet’s climate is a global challenge thatrequires a global solution. and nowhere is all of this more evident than in the asia pacific.and no two nations can have a greater impact or influence on this debate or this challengethan china and the united states.

during the strategic and economic dialogue last month, secretary of treasury jack lew and iwere in beijing for two days. and we and china together sent a clear message: the world’s twolargest greenhouse gas emitters, the united states and china, are committed to advancing alow-carbon economic growth pattern and significantly reduce our countries’ greenhouse gases.and we’re working together to launch demonstration projects on carbon capture, utilization,and storage. we’re adopting stronger fuel efficiency standards for heavy- and light-dutyvehicles. we’re advancing a new initiative on climate change and forests, because we knowthat the threat of deforestation and its implications of a changing climate are real and they’regrave and they’re growing. and i’ll just say to you this is not an issue on which you can be halfpregnant. no such issue. if you accept the science, you have to accept that you have to dothese things about it.

now, the united states and china have a special role to play in reducing emissions anddeveloping a clean energy future. but everybody – every nation – has a stake in getting itright. i just came from the solomon islands yesterday, a thousand islands, some of which couldbe wiped out if we don’t make the right choices. the pacific islands across the entire pacific arevulnerable to climate change. and just yesterday, i saw with my own eyes what sea level risewould do to parts of it: it would be devastating – entire habitats destroyed, entire populationsdisplaced from their homes, in some cases entire cultures wiped out. they just had flashflooding in guadalcanal – unprecedented amounts of rainfall. and that’s what’s happened withclimate change – unprecedented storms, unprecedented typhoons, unprecedentedhurricanes, unprecedented droughts, unprecedented fires, major damage, billions andbillions of dollars of damage being done that we’re paying for instead of investing those billionsof dollars in avoiding this in the first place.

that’s why we are deepening our partnerships with the pacific island nations and others to meetimmediate threats and long-term development challenges. and we’re working through usaidand other multilateral institutions to increase the resilience of communities. and we’reelevating our engagement through the pacific islands forum. and we’ve signed maritimeboundaries, new maritime boundaries with kiribati and the federated states of micronesia inorder to promote good governance of the pacific ocean and peaceful relations among islandnations. and we’re also working on a pacific pathway of marine protected areas that includespresident obama’s commitment to e_plore a protected area of more than a million squaremiles in size in the u.s. remote pacific.

we just held a conference on the oceans in washington the other day with nations all over theworld came to it – unbelievably productive. we produced $1.8 billion of commitments to helpwith fisheries enforcement, anti-pollution, dealing with acidification, and to protect theseareas as marine sanctuaries.

the good news is in the end – and this really – it really is good news. sometimes you have anissue – mr. mayor, i know you know this. governors, you know this. you’re looking at an issueand, man, you scratch your head and you’re not quite sure what the solution is, right? andyou work through it. well, the good news is the biggest challenge of all that we face right now,which is climate change in terms of international global effect, is an opportunity. it’s actuallyan e_traordinary opportunity because it’s not a problem without a solution. the solutionto climate change is simple. it’s called energy policy. energy policy. make the right choicesabout how you produce your energy – without emissions, without coal-fired power plants thatdon’t have carbon capture and storage or aren’t burning clean – then you can begin toproduce clean energy.

and the new energy market that we’re looking at is the biggest market the world has ever seen.think about that for a moment. the wealth that was generated in the 1990s – i don’t know ifyou know this, but most people think that america got the richest during the 1920s when youhad the so-called, even in the late 1800s, robber baron years, and then you had the greatnames of wealth – carnegie, mellon, frick, rockefeller, and so forth. and no income ta_ – wow,gonna make a lot of money.

guess what. america made more wealth and more money for more people in the 1990s than atany other time in our history. and what it came from, the wealth that was generated then, wasthe high-tech computer revolution of the 1990s, and guess what. it came from a $1 trillionmarket with 1 billion users, 1 for 1. the energy market that we’re looking at in the world todayis si_ times bigger, by far more important. it’s a $6 trillion market today with 4 to 5 billionusers today, and it will go up to 7 to 9 billion users in the ne_t 30 years. the fastest segmentby far of growth in that market is clean energy.

we need to build a grid in america. we need to – we could use solar thermal to produce heatin massachusetts, in minnesota, take wind power from our states, sell it somewhere else. wecan’t even do that because we don’t have that grid in place.

so i want to emphasize to all of you: we’re not going to find a sustainable energy mi_ in the19th century or 20th century solutions. those are the problems. we need a formula for 21stcentury that will sustainably power us into the 22nd century. and i believe that, workingtogether, the united states and countries across the asia pacific can make this leap. that’s ane_citing opportunity and that’s what we’re working on with china today.

the bottom line is we don’t have time to waste. if we’re going to power a clean energyrevolution, we have to work together to dampen security competition and rivalry in theasia pacific and focus on these other constructive efforts. and so our third challenge is clear:we need to turn maritime conflicts into regional cooperation.

all of us in this room understand that these disputes in the south china sea and elsewhere,they’re really about more than claims to islands and reefs and rocks and the economic intereststhat flow from them. they’re about whether might makes right or whether global rules andnorms and rule of law and international law will prevail. i want to be absolutely clear: theunited states of america takes no position on questions of sovereignty in the south and eastchina sea, but we do care about how those questions are resolved. we care about behavior. wefirmly oppose the use of intimidation and coercion or force to assert a territorial claim byanyone in the region. and we firmly oppose any suggestion that freedom of navigation andoverflight and other lawful uses of the sea and airspace are privileges granted by a big state toa small one. all claimants must work together to solve the claims through peaceful means, bigor small. and these principles bind all nations equally, and all nations have a responsibility touphold them.

now, i just participated in the asean regional forum, and we were encouraged there to – weencouraged the claimants there to defuse these tensions and to create the political space forresolution. we urged the claimants to voluntarily freeze steps that threatened to escalatethe disputes and to cause instability. and frankly, i think that’s common sense and i suspectyou share that. i’m pleased to say that asean agreed that the time has come to seekconsensus on what some of those actions to be avoided might be, based on the commitmentsthat they’ve already made in the 2022 declaration on conduct.

now, we cannot impose solutions on the claimants in the region, and we’re not seeking to dothat. but the recent settlement between indonesia and the philippines is an e_ample of howthese disputes could be resolved through good-faith negotiations. japan and taiwan, likewise,showed last year that it’s possible to promote regional stability despite conflicting claims. andwe support the philippines’ taking steps to resolve its maritime dispute with china peacefully,including through the right to pursue arbitration under the un convention on the law of thesea. and while we already live by its principles, the united states needs to finish the job andpass that treaty once and for all.

now, one thing that i know will contribute to maintaining regional peace and stability is aconstructive relationship between the united states and china. president obama has made itclear that the united states welcomes the rise of a peaceful, prosperous, and stable china –one that plays a responsible role in asia and the world and supports rules and norms oneconomic and security issues. the president has been clear, as have i, that we are committedto avoiding the trap of strategic rivalry and intent on forging a relationship in which we canbroaden our cooperation on common interests and constructively manage our differences anddisagreements.

but make no mistake: this constructive relationship, this “new model” relationship of greatpowers, is not going to happen simply by talking about it. it’s not going to happen byengaging in a slogan or pursuing a sphere of influence. it will be defined by more and bettercooperation on shared challenges. and it will be defined by a mutual embrace of the rules,the norms, and institutions that have served both of our nations and the region so well. i amvery pleased that china and the united states are cooperating effectively on the iran nucleartalks and we’ve increased our dialogue on the dprk. we’re also cooperating significantly onclimate change possibilities, counter-piracy operations, and south sudan.

so we are busy trying to define a great power relationship by the places where we can findmutual agreement and cooperation. we’ve seen the benefits of partnerships based oncommon values and common approaches to regional and global security. secretary of defensechuck hagel and i met with our australian counterparts in sydney earlier this week and wereviewed the u.s.-australian alliance from all sides. and though we live in very differenthemispheres, obviously, and at opposite ends of the globe, the united states and australia aretoday as close as nations can get. our time-honored alliance has helped both of our countries toachieve important goals: standing with the people of ukraine, supporting long-term progress inafghanistan, promoting shared prosperity in the asia pacific, and collaborating on the unitednations security council. and we also agreed to e_pand our trilateral cooperation with japan,and that will allow us to further modernize the u.s.-japan alliance as we address a broaderarray of security challenges. similarly, with our ally south korea, our partnership on agrowing range of regional and global challenges has brought much greater security to asiaand beyond.

history shows us that countries whose policies respect and reflect universal human rights andfundamental freedoms are likely to be peaceful and prosperous, far more effective attapping the talents of their people, and far better partners in the long term.

that is why our fourth and final challenge is so important: we need to turn human rightsproblems into opportunities for human empowerment. across the region, there are bright spots.but we also see backsliding, such as the setback to democracy in thailand.

we all know that some countries in the region hold different views on democratic governanceand the protection of human rights. but though we may sometimes disagree on these issueswith the governments, i don’t think we have any fundamental disagreement with theirpeople.

given a choice, i don’t think too many young people in china would choose to have less accessto uncensored information, rather than more. i don’t think too many people in vietnam wouldsay: “i’d rather not be allowed to organize and speak out for better working conditions or ahealthy environment.” and i can’t imagine that anyone in asia would watch more than a 130million people go to the polls in indonesia to choose a president after a healthy, vigorous, andpeaceful debate and then say: “i don’t want that right for myself.” i also think most peoplewould agree that freedom of speech and the press is essential to checking corruption, and itis essential that rule of law is needed to protect innovation and to enable businesses tothrive. that’s why support for these values is both universal and pragmatic.

i visited indonesia in february, and i saw the promise of a democratic future. the world’sthird largest democracy sets a terrific e_ample for the world. and the united states is deeplycommitted to our comprehensive partnership. indonesia is not just an e_pression of differentcultures and languages and faiths. by deepening its democracy, and preserving its traditionsof tolerance, it can be a model for how asian values and democratic principles inform andstrengthen one another.

in thailand, a close friend and ally, we’re very disturbed by the setback to democracy andwe hope it is a temporary bump in the road. we call on the thai authorities to lift restrictionson political activity and speech, to return – to restore civilian rule, and return quickly todemocracy through free and fair elections.

in burma last week, i saw firsthand the initial progress the people and the government havemade. and i’m proud of the role – and you should be too – that the united states has playedfor a quarter of a century in encouraging that progress.

but burma still has a long way to go, and those leading its democratic transformation areonly now addressing the deepest challenges: defining a new role for the military; reformingthe constitution and supporting free and fair elections; ending a decades-long civil war; andguaranteeing in law the human rights that burma’s people have been promised in name. all ofthis while trying to attract more investment, combating corruption, protecting the country’sforests and other resources. these are the great tests of burma’s transition. and we intend totry to help, but in the end the leadership will have to make the critical choices.

the united states is going to do everything we can to help the reformers in burma, especiallyby supporting nationwide elections ne_t year. and we will keep urging the government – as idid last week – to take steps to ease the humanitarian crisis in rakhine state, and push backagainst hate speech and religious violence, implement constitutional reform, and protectfreedom of assembly and e_pression. the government owes it to the people of those – of thatmovement to do those things.

and so, my friends, in the great tradition of our country, we will continue to promote humanrights and democracy in asia, without arrogance but also without apology.

elsewhere in asia, north korea’s proliferation activities pose a very serious threat to the unitedstates, the region, and the world. and we are taking steps to deter and defend against northkorea’s pursuit of a nuclear-armed ballistic missile capability. but make no mistake: we arealso speaking out about the horrific human rights situation. we strongly supported thee_traordinary united nations investigation this year that revealed the utter, grotesquecruelty of north korea’s system of labor camps and e_ecutions. such deprivation of humandignity just has no place in the 21st century. north korea’s gulags should be shut down – nottomorrow, not ne_t week, but now. and we will continue to speak out on this topic.

so you’ve heard me for longer than you might have wanted to – (laughter) – describing apretty ambitious agenda. and you’re right; it’s a big deal. we are super engaged. we areambitious for this process: completing the tpp negotiations, creating sustainable growth,powering a clean energy revolution, managing regional rivalries by promoting cooperation,and empowering people from all walks of life – that’s how we’re going to realize the promise ofthe asia pacific. and this is a region whose countries can and should come together, becausethere is much more that unites us than divides us. this is a region that can and should meetdanger and difficulty with courage and collaboration. and we are determined to deliver onthe strategic and historic opportunities that we can create together.

that’s why, together with our asian partners, we’re developing modern rules for a changingworld – rules that help economies grow strong and fair and just, with protections for theenvironment, safeguards for the people who have both too often been left behind.

that’s why we’re building a region where asia’s major cities are no longer clouded with smogand smoke, and where people can depend on safe food and water, and clean oceans, clean air,and shared resources from its rivers and its oceans, and with a sense of responsibility onegeneration passes on to the ne_t to preserve all of that for the future.

that’s why we’re building a region where countries peacefully resolve their differences overislands, reefs, rocks by finding the common ground on the basis of international law.

and that’s why we’re building a region that protects the universal human rights andfundamental freedoms that make all nations stronger.

there is still a long road ahead. but nothing gives me more hope in the ne_t miles of thejourney than the courage of those who have reached a different and more hopeful kind offuture. and that is the story that i want to leave you with today.

when i became a senator, getting increasingly more and more involved in the region as ayoung member of the committee and then later as chairman of the subcommittee on asian andpacific affairs, the first trip i took in 1986 was to the philippines. strongman ferdinand marcoshad called a sham “snap” election to fake everybody to prove how in charge he was, topreserve his grasp on power. president reagan asked senator richard lugar and me to be partof a delegation to observe those elections.

and i will never forget arriving in manila and seeing this unbelievable flood of people in thestreets all decked out in their canary yellow shirts and banners of pro-democracy protest.some of us knew at that time there were allegations of fraud. i was sent down initially tomindanao to observe the morning votes and then came back to manila, and was sitting in thehotel there when a woman came up to me crying and said, “senator, you must come with me tothe cathedral. there are women there who fear for their lives.”

and i left my dinner and i ran down to the cathedral. i came in to the sacristi of thecathedral and talked with these 13 women who were crying and huddled together, intimidatedfor their lives. and i listened to their story about how they were counting the raw tally of thevotes that was coming in from all across the nation, but the raw tally of votes they werecounting was not showing up on the computer tote board recording the votes. they blew thewhistle on a dictator. we held an international press conference right there in the cathedralright in front of the alter, and they spoke out, and that was the signal to marcos it was over.their courage and the courage of the filipino people lit a spark that traveled throughout theworld, inspiring not just a freshman senator from massachusetts, but popular movementsfrom eastern europe to burma.

now, i think about that moment even today, about the power of people to make their voicesfelt. i think about how cory aquino rose to the presidency atop a wave of people power whenfew believed that she could. i think about how her husband fought for democracy, even at thecost of his own life. and i think about how, decades later, their son would rise to the presidencyin democratic elections. in his inaugural address, president benigno aquino said: “myparents sought nothing less, died for nothing less, than democracy and peace. i am blessed bythis legacy. i shall carry the torch forward.”

my friends, today we must all summon up some of that courage, we must all carry that torchforward. the cause of democracy and peace, and the prosperity that they bring, can bringour legacy in the asian pacific, it can define it. our commitment to that future, believe me itis strong. our principles are just. and we are in this for the long haul – clear-eyed about thechallenges ahead.

thank you. (applause.)

第2篇 东西方文化的融合英语演讲稿

the east and the west, let’s enjoy the combination of the two cultures?

kipling said:“east is east, and west is west, and never the twain shall meet!” but now, a century later, they have met.

they have met in business. they have met in education. they have met in the arts. some people will argue that these meetings will leave us with a choice between east and west, but i believe that the best future lies in the creative combination of both worlds. we can make western ideas, customs and technology our own, and adapt them to our own use. we can enjoy the best of both worlds, because our tradition is, above all, one of selecting the best and making it our own.

i love beijing and hennan opera because it always reminds me of who i am. but i am also a fan of pop music, especially english songs. so i have combined eastern melody with western language. it is called western henna opera.

when two cultures meet, there may be things in one culture, which do not fit into the tradition of the other. when this happens, we need to learn to understand and respect the customs of another culture. then there are certain things some people may not like. to this, i will say, if you do not like it, please try to tolerate it. to learn to tolerate what you personally don’t like is a great virtue at a time when different cultures mi_ and merge. before us, there are two rivers, eastern and western cultures. at present, they may run in different courses. but eventually, they will converge into the vast sea of human culture.

right now, i can see peoples of eastern and western cultures, standing side by side, singing the olympic theme song: we are hand in hand, heart to heart, together we will shape a beautiful tomorrow! thank you!

第3篇 英语演讲稿:让我们共同感受东西方的融合

the east and the west, let’s enjoy the combination of the two cultures?

kipling said:“east is east, and west is west, and never the twain shall meet!” but now, a century later, they have met.

they have met in business. they have met in education. they have met in the arts. some people will argue that these meetings will leave us with a choice between east and west, but i believe that the best future lies in the creative combination of both worlds. we can make western ideas, customs and technology our own, and adapt them to our own use. we can enjoy the best of both worlds, because our tradition is, above all, one of selecting the best and making it our own.

i love beijing and hennan opera because it always reminds me of who i am. but i am also a fan of pop music, especially english songs. so i have combined eastern melody with western language. it is called western henna opera.

when two cultures meet, there may be things in one culture, which do not fit into the tradition of the other. when this happens, we need to learn to understand and respect the customs of another culture. then there are certain things some people may not like. to this, i will say, if you do not like it, please try to tolerate it. to learn to tolerate what you personally don’t like is a great virtue at a time when different cultures mi_ and merge. before us, there are two rivers, eastern and western cultures. at present, they may run in different courses. but eventually, they will converge into the vast sea of human culture.

right now, i can see peoples of eastern and western cultures, standing side by side, singing the olympic theme song: we are hand in hand, heart to heart, together we will shape a beautiful tomorrow! thank you!

第4篇 西方演讲者演讲中的手势

西方演讲者演讲中的手势一、食指和中指交叉

表示幸运手势，对恋人们而言，这年的这一天他们会留下更深刻的回忆。

看看一个人的动作，就能知道他来自何方。中国人与欧美国家人表示数字就有很大的差别。中国人伸出食指表示“1”，欧美人则伸出大姆指表示“1”。中国人伸出食指和中指表示“2”，欧美人是伸大姆指与食指表示“2”，并依次伸出中指、无名指、和小姆指表示“3”、“4”、“5”，中国人用一只手的五个指头可以表示6——1的数字，而欧美人表示6——1要用两只手，如展开一只手的五指，再加上另一只手的姆指表示“6”，以此类推。在中国，伸出食指指节前屈表示“9”，日本人却用这个手势表示“偷窃”。中国如表示“1”的手势，在英美国家则表示“祝好运”，或示意与某人关系密切。

西方演讲者演讲中的手势二、向上伸中指

两干多年来罗马人一直称中指为“轻浮的手指”。事实上，单独伸出中指的手势在世界绝大多数国家都不意味着好事情，普遍用来表示“不赞同”、“不满”或“诅咒”之意。在美国、澳大利亚、突尼斯，这种手势意味着：搞那种关系”，表示侮辱。在法国，表示行为下流龌龊。在沙特阿拉伯，表示恶劣行为。在新加坡，表示侮辱性行为。在菲律宾，表示诅咒、愤怒、憎恨和轻蔑。在中国，表示对方“胡扯”或对对方的侮辱。不过，在缅甸和尼日利亚，向上伸出中指表示“一”，在突尼斯表示“中间”之意。

西方演讲者演讲中的手势三、向上伸小指

在中国，这一手势表示“小”“微不足道”、“最差”、“最末名”、“倒数第一”，并且引伸而来表示“轻蔑”;在日本，表示“女人”、 “女孩”、 “恋人”。在南朝鲜，表示“妻”、“妄”、“女朋友”。在菲律宾，表示“小个子”、“年少者”、“无足轻重之人”。在美国，表示“懦弱的男人”或“打赌”。尼日利亚人伸出小手指，含“打赌”之意。但在泰国和沙特阿拉伯，向对方伸出小手指，表示彼此是“朋友”，或者表示愿意“交朋友”，在缅甸和印度，这一手势表示“想去厕所。”

西方演讲者演讲中的手势四、伸出弯曲的食指

这一手势是英美人惯常用的手势，表示招呼某人过来。这个手势在中国表示“9”;在缅甸表示“5”;在斯里兰卡表示“一半”;在墨西哥表示“钱”或“询问价格”;在日本，表示“小偷”或“偷窃行为在南朝鲜表示“有错”、“度量小”;在印度尼西亚，表示“心肠坏”、“吝音”;在泰国、新加坡、马来西亚，表示“死亡”。在新加坡，伸出弯曲的食指，还表示(拳击比赛的)“击倒”。

第5篇 西方演讲者演讲中的幸运手势

食指和中指交叉吧（幸运手势），对恋人们而言，这年的这一天他们会留下更深刻的回忆！

看看一个人的动作，就能知道他来自何方。中国人与欧美国家人表示数字就有很大的差别。中国人伸出食指表示“1”，欧美人则伸出大姆指表示“1”。中国人伸出食指和中指表示“2”，欧美人是伸大姆指与食指表示“2”，并依次伸出中指、无名指、和小姆指表示“3”、“4”、“5”，中国人用一只手的五个指头可以表示6——10的数字，而欧美人表示6——10要用两只手，如展开一只手的五指，再加上另一只手的姆指表示“6”，以此类推。在中国，伸出食指指节前屈表示“9”，日本人却用这个手势表示“偷窃”。中国如表示“10”的手势，在英美国家则表示“祝好运”，或示意与某人关系密切。

伸出一只手，将食指和大姆指搭成圆圈，美国人表示“ok”，是赞扬和允诺之意，日本人代表“金钱”，法国人表示“微不足道，无价值”。斯里兰卡佛教徒用右手做同样的姿势，放在颔下胸前，同时微微欠身颔首，表示对方“多多保重”，而在巴西、希腊、撒丁岛，这是一种令人厌恶的污秽手势。

时云龙 摘自 《世界知识》1990年第8期

向上伸中指：两干多年来罗马人一直称中指为“轻浮的手指”。事实上，单独伸出中指的手势在世界绝大多数国家都不意味着好事情，普遍用来表示“不赞同”、“不满”或“诅咒”之意。在美国、澳大利亚、突尼斯，这种手势意味着：搞那种关系”，表示侮辱。在法国，表示行为下流龌龊。在沙特阿拉伯，表示恶劣行为。在新加坡，表示侮辱性行为。在菲律宾，表示诅咒、愤怒、憎恨和轻蔑。在中国，表示对方“胡扯”或对对方的侮辱。不过，在缅甸和尼日利亚，向上伸出中指表示“一”，在突尼斯表示“中间”之意。

向上伸小指：在中国，这一手势表示“小”“微不足道”、“最差”、“最末名”、“倒数第一”，并且引伸而来表示“轻蔑”；在日本，表示“女人”、 “女孩”、 “恋人”。在南朝鲜，表示“妻”、“妄”、“女朋友”。在菲律宾，表示“小个子”、“年少者”、“无足轻重之人”。在美国，表示“懦弱的男人”或“打赌”。尼日利亚人伸出小手指，含“打赌”之意。但在泰国和沙特阿拉伯，向对方伸出小手指，表示彼此是“朋友”，或者表示愿意“交朋友”，在缅甸和印度，这一手势表示“想去厕所。”

伸出弯曲的食指：这一手势是英美人惯常用的手势，表示招呼某人过来。这个手势在中国表示“9”；在缅甸表示“5”；在斯里兰卡表示“一半”；在墨西哥表示“钱”或“询问价格”；在日本，表示“小偷”或“偷窃行为＼在南朝鲜表示“有错”、“度量小”；在印度尼西亚，表示“心肠坏”、“吝音”；在泰国、新加坡、马来西亚，表示“死亡”。在新加坡，伸出弯曲的食指，还表示（拳击比赛的）“击倒”。

大拇指和食指搭成圆圈：将大拇指和食指搭成一个圆圈，再伸直中指、无名指和小指。这一手势在美国和英国经常使用，相当于英语中的“ok”，一般用来征求对方意见或回答对方所征求的话，表示“同意”、“赞扬”、“允诺”、“顺利”和“了不起”。在中国，这个手势表示数目“o”或“3”。在法国，表示“零”和“一钱不值”。在泰国，表示“没有问题”。在印度，表示“对”、“正确”。在荷兰，表示“正在顺利进行”、“微妙”。在斯里兰卡，表言谈礼仪示“完整”、“圆满”和“别生气”。在日本、南朝鲜、缅甸，表示“金钱”。在菲律宾，表示“想得到钱”或“没有钱”。在印度尼西亚，表示“一无所有”、“一事无成”、“啥也干不了。”。在突尼斯，表示“无用”、“傻瓜”。在希腊、独联体，这个手势被认为是很不礼貌的举止。另外，有些国家用这一手势来表示“圆”、“洞”等。

1跷大拇指

在英国、澳大利亚和新西兰等国，跷大拇指手势是搭车旅游者示意搭车的手势，这是一种善意的信号。英美人士还习惯于将两个大拇指不停地有规律地互相绕转来表示自己目前无事可做，闲极无聊之意。

意大利人从1数到5时，他们用拇指表示1，食指就成了2。

西方人还用拇指指向朝下表示“坏”或“差”。

希腊人跷拇指，意思是要对方“滚蛋”。

在中国跷大拇指是个积极的信号，通常指高度的称赞、夸奖、了不起、“老大”的意思；跷小拇指则表示蔑视、贬低、“差劲”之意。如果一个中国人按着本国习惯使用这一手势去夸奖一个希腊人的话，那就会闹出笑话或产生不愉快的结局。

在日本，跷大拇指是表示“老爷子”，跷起小尾指是表示“情人”。

2“v”型手势

相同的手势在不同的国家和地区有着不同的甚至完全相反的意思。中国人伸出食指和中指表示“二”，而这个动作在欧美表示胜利和成功。第二次世界大战时，英国首相丘吉尔曾在一次演讲中伸出右手的食指和中指，构成“v”的手势来表示胜利。从此，这一手势就广为流传，凡庆祝胜利或成功时，人人都喜欢打这个手势。然而在丘吉尔当时使用这一手势时是手心向外，在世界其他地方，现在人们往往是把手背朝外，这一手背朝外的“v”手势，在英国却是万万使不得的，因为它所表示的意思不是胜利，而是伤风败俗。在希腊，不仅这一手势不能使用，而且即使用丘吉尔的手势也会惹起麻烦，尤其是在打这一手势时千万不要把胳膊伸得太长，否则就是对人不恭了。

3挥动手

中国和日本招呼别人过来，是伸出手，掌心向下挥动，但在美国，这是唤狗的手势。欧美国家招呼人过来的手势是掌心向上，手指来回勾动，而在亚洲，这却是唤狗的手势。

4圆圈o和另外三个指头

用大拇指和食指构成一个圆圈，再伸出其他三指，这是起源于美国的“ok”手势，表示赞扬和允诺等意思。这一手势在欧洲也被普遍采用，在学生中间更为流行，体育潜水员在水下也使用。然而在法国南部、希腊、撒丁岛等地，这一手势的意思恰好相反。法国南部的葡萄园工在向客人斟献葡萄酒时，要是看到客人的“ok”手势，他马上会露出不悦之色，因为这一手势在这里不是夸耀酒的醇美，而是表示劣等品的意思。要是到了马耳他、希腊等地，这一手势所表示的意思就更糟了，它是一句无声而恶毒的骂人话。而在日本，这个手势是表示钱的意思。在巴西，是引诱女人或侮辱男人的意思。在中国内地，ok手势是零的意思。难怪一位西方客人在内地做此状表扬一位女服务员，这位女孩子不解其意，误解为评价她的工作等于“0”，而急得当场要哭鼻子。

5搔头皮

有些人初次遇到较正式的场面或没有思想准备而出现在一些人面前时，往往有点不知所措，不由自主地会用手去搔头皮。这种下意识的手势动作反映了人的窘迫心理，在中国是表示为难的意思，在日本是表示愤怒，在西方大多数国家表示不懂或不理解，示意对方重新予以解释。

6wc

日本人用大拇指与食指组成一个有缺口的圆形、其余三个手指张开表示wc，向伙伴示意，表示上厕所的意思。

7敲额头

在德国，人们常常喜欢用食指敲敲额头，以表示某人的思想或行为不正常。这一动作并不是所有的地方都这样，在荷兰，用食指敲敲额头，你越敲他越高兴，因为荷兰人认为敲太阳穴是表示很有头脑的意思。

8四指压着大拇指拳头状

在德国，人们喜欢用其他四指压着大拇指这种拳头状的动作来表示祝愿某人幸福或成功。

9手指放在喉咙上

俄罗斯人手指放在喉咙上表示“吃饱”。日本人做这动作表示被人家“炒了鱿鱼”。

10鼓掌

日本人和欧洲人同样鼓掌，其意思各不相同。日本人鼓掌时用手指击拍，表示欢迎。在英国看戏或听音乐会，如果也是这样鼓掌，则意味着演出不受欢迎，演员最好还是及早退场。

11双手与头并齐，掌心向观众

在英、美等国的公共场所演讲，演讲人要想使听众保持安静，就得举起双手与头并齐，掌心向着观众，可是这种手势要是在希腊照样做，那就会被人们认为是投降的姿态，是最丑恶的现象。

12摸胡子

一个人对于自己的胡须可能洋洋自得，要是他在希腊、南意大利和南撒丁岛得意时摸摸胡须，那么他是要吃亏的。在主人请吃饭时，看到这个动作就不会给他斟酒，因为这个动作，在那里表示“够了，我不要了”的意思。

13点头、摇头

点头表示肯定，摇头表示否定，世界多数国家如此，但也有不少例外。意大利那不勒斯人表示否定不是摇头，而是把脑袋向后一仰。要是表示强烈的否定，还用手指敲敲下巴来配合。这一否定动作在希腊、土耳其的部分地区、南斯拉夫、南意大利、西西里岛、马耳他、塞浦路斯和地中海岸国家是很普遍的。有些地方，如保加利亚、南斯拉夫、希腊、土耳其、伊朗和孟加拉国，摇头则表示肯定的意思，即点头不算摇头算。这种动作要是频率缓慢，在德国则表示犹豫不决，不停地摇头则表示否定。

14用食指扒自己下眼皮

意大利人在提醒某人会有某些危险时，是用食指把自己的下眼皮微微往下扒。一位法国姑娘在意大利的饭店认识了一个意大利人，意大利人表示愿意用车送她一程，姑娘也表示同意。然而服务员看见这种情况后就用食指把自己的下眼皮往下一扒，向她暗示有危险，但她领会不了这种暗示。

对于这种暗示，不同地方的人有不同的理解。英国人会理解成他们干的某件事情被人看穿了。拉丁美洲人则会把这一动作看成殷勤的客气的表示。一个英国人或法国人要是向意大利人使用这一动作，那么这个意大利人就会左顾右盼，看看周围有什么危险，而英国人在这种情况下所要表示的却不是这个意思，而是认为这个意大利人绝不是一个正派人物。

15欢迎的手势

太平洋群岛上的波利尼西亚人见面时，边拥抱，边抚摸对方的后背；因纽特人（爱斯基摩人）用拳头捶打熟人的头和肩；瑞典的拉普兰人互擦鼻子；萨摩亚人彼此嗅闻对方；埃及人问好动作像敬礼--把手举放在额边；一些非洲民族见面时，相互拥抱，把面颊贴在一起。这些都是欢迎的手势。

16.不可乱用手势

在社交中、工作中应当注意自己的手势，不可乱用，宁缺勿滥。接待新的客人应格外留神，最好事先了解清楚客人家乡的风俗习惯与忌讳事项，因为万一搞错，便会产生误会，甚至会酿成大错。

有人曾向许多日本朋友问过一个相同的问题：“在你和中国人交际时，如果那个中国人说的日语中有许多语音、语法方面的错误，或者他做出一些令日本人感到不可思议的动作，那么你觉得语言、语法错误难以容忍呢？还是那些不可思议的动作难以容忍？”回答的一致简直令人吃惊，所有的日本人认为，语言、语法错误可以容忍，因为对方毕竟是外国人，但对奇怪的身体动作则难以容忍，因为那可能是不礼貌的。

总之，不同的手势传递不同的信息。同时要讲究的是手势动作的准确与否、幅度的大小、力度的强弱、速度的快慢、时间的长短，这些都很有讲究。手势能体现人们的内心思想活动和对待他人的态度，热情和勉强在手势上可以明显地反映出来。

第6篇 关于西方演讲者演讲中的16种幸运手势

食指和中指交叉吧(幸运手势)，对恋人们而言，这年的这一天他们会留下更深刻的回忆!

看看一个人的动作，就能知道他来自何方。中国人与欧美国家人表示数字就有很大的差别。中国人伸出食指表示“1”，欧美人则伸出大姆指表示“1”。中国人伸出食指和中指表示“2”，欧美人是伸大姆指与食指表示“2”，并依次伸出中指、无名指、和小姆指表示“3”、“4”、“5”，中国人用一只手的五个指头可以表示6——10的数字，而欧美人表示6——10要用两只手，如展开一只手的五指，再加上另一只手的姆指表示“6”，以此类推。在中国，伸出食指指节前屈表示“9”，日本人却用这个手势表示“偷窃”。中国如表示“10”的手势，在英美国家则表示“祝好运”，或示意与某人关系密切。

伸出一只手，将食指和大姆指搭成圆圈，美国人表示“ok”，是赞扬和允诺之意，日本人代表“金钱”，法国人表示“微不足道，无价值”。斯里兰卡佛教徒用右手做同样的姿势，放在颔下胸前，同时微微欠身颔首，表示对方“多多保重”，而在巴西、希腊、撒丁岛，这是一种令人厌恶的污秽手势。

向上伸中指：两干多年来罗马人一直称中指为“轻浮的手指”。事实上，单独伸出中指的手势在世界绝大多数国家都不意味着好事情，普遍用来表示“不赞同”、“不满”或“诅咒”之意。在美国、澳大利亚、突尼斯，这种手势意味着：搞那种关系”，表示侮辱。在法国，表示行为下流龌龊。在沙特阿拉伯，表示恶劣行为。在新加坡，表示侮辱性行为。在菲律宾，表示诅咒、愤怒、憎恨和轻蔑。在中国，表示对方“胡扯”或对对方的侮辱。不过，在缅甸和尼日利亚，向上伸出中指表示“一”，在突尼斯表示“中间”之意。

向上伸小指：在中国，这一手势表示“小”“微不足道”、“最差”、“最末名”、“倒数第一”，并且引伸而来表示“轻蔑”;在日本，表示“女人”、 “女孩”、 “恋人”。在南朝鲜，表示“妻”、“妄”、“女朋友”。在菲律宾，表示“小个子”、“年少者”、“无足轻重之人”。在美国，表示“懦弱的男人”或“打赌”。尼日利亚人伸出小手指，含“打赌”之意。但在泰国和沙特阿拉伯，向对方伸出小手指，表示彼此是“朋友”，或者表示愿意“交朋友”，在缅甸和印度，这一手势表示“想去厕所。”

伸出弯曲的食指：这一手势是英美人惯常用的手势，表示招呼某人过来。这个手势在中国表示“9”;在缅甸表示“5”;在斯里兰卡表示“一半”;在墨西哥表示“钱”或“询问价格”;在日本，表示“小偷”或“偷窃行为在南朝鲜表示“有错”、“度量小”;在印度尼西亚，表示“心肠坏”、“吝音”;在泰国、新加坡、马来西亚，表示“死亡”。在新加坡，伸出弯曲的食指，还表示(拳击比赛的)“击倒”。

大拇指和食指搭成圆圈：将大拇指和食指搭成一个圆圈，再伸直中指、无名指和小指。这一手势在美国和英国经常使用，相当于英语中的“ok”，一般用来征求对方意见或回答对方所征求的话，表示“同意”、“赞扬”、“允诺”、“顺利”和“了不起”。在中国，这个手势表示数目“o”或“3”。在法国，表示“零”和“一钱不值”。在泰国，表示“没有问题”。在印度，表示“对”、“正确”。在荷兰，表示“正在顺利进行”、“微妙”。在斯里兰卡，表言谈礼仪示“完整”、“圆满”和“别生气”。在日本、南朝鲜、缅甸，表示“金钱”。在菲律宾，表示“想得到钱”或“没有钱”。在印度尼西亚，表示“一无所有”、“一事无成”、“啥也干不了。”。在突尼斯，表示“无用”、“傻瓜”。在希腊、独联体，这个手势被认为是很不礼貌的举止。另外，有些国家用这一手势来表示“圆”、“洞”等。

在英国、澳大利亚和新西兰等国，跷大拇指手势是搭车旅游者示意搭车的手势，这是一种善意的信号。英美人士还习惯于将两个大拇指不停地有规律地互相绕转来表示自己目前无事可做，闲极无聊之意。

意大利人从1数到5时，他们用拇指表示1，食指就成了2。

西方人还用拇指指向朝下表示“坏”或“差”。

希腊人跷拇指，意思是要对方“滚蛋”。

在中国跷大拇指是个积极的信号，通常指高度的称赞、夸奖、了不起、“老大”的意思;跷小拇指则表示蔑视、贬低、“差劲”之意。如果一个中国人按着本国习惯使用这一手势去夸奖一个希腊人的话，那就会闹出笑话或产生不愉快的结局。

在日本，跷大拇指是表示“老爷子”，跷起小尾指是表示“情人”。

相同的手势在不同的国家和地区有着不同的甚至完全相反的意思。中国人伸出食指和中指表示“二”，而这个动作在欧美表示胜利和成功。第二次世界大战时，英国首相丘吉尔曾在一次演讲中伸出右手的食指和中指，构成“v”的手势来表示胜利。从此，这一手势就广为流传，凡庆祝胜利或成功时，人人都喜欢打这个手势。然而在丘吉尔当时使用这一手势时是手心向外，在世界其他地方，现在人们往往是把手背朝外，这一手背朝外的“v”手势，在英国却是万万使不得的，因为它所表示的意思不是胜利，而是伤风败俗。在希腊，不仅这一手势不能使用，而且即使用丘吉尔的手势也会惹起麻烦，尤其是在打这一手势时千万不要把胳膊伸得太长，否则就是对人不恭了。

中国和日本招呼别人过来，是伸出手，掌心向下挥动，但在美国，这是唤狗的手势。欧美国家招呼人过来的手势是掌心向上，手指来回勾动，而在亚洲，这却是唤狗的手势。

用大拇指和食指构成一个圆圈，再伸出其他三指，这是起源于美国的“ok”手势，表示赞扬和允诺等意思。这一手势在欧洲也被普遍采用，在学生中间更为流行，体育潜水员在水下也使用。然而在法国南部、希腊、撒丁岛等地，这一手势的意思恰好相反。法国南部的葡萄园工在向客人斟献葡萄酒时，要是看到客人的“ok”手势，他马上会露出不悦之色，因为这一手势在这里不是夸耀酒的醇美，而是表示劣等品的意思。要是到了马耳他、希腊等地，这一手势所表示的意思就更糟了，它是一句无声而恶毒的骂人话。而在日本，这个手势是表示钱的意思。在巴西，是引诱女人或侮辱男人的意思。在中国内地，ok手势是零的意思。难怪一位西方客人在内地做此状表扬一位女服务员，这位女孩子不解其意，误解为评价她的工作等于“0”，而急得当场要哭鼻子。

有些人初次遇到较正式的场面或没有思想准备而出现在一些人面前时，往往有点不知所措，不由自主地会用手去搔头皮。这种下意识的手势动作反映了人的窘迫心理，在中国是表示为难的意思，在日本是表示愤怒，在西方大多数国家表示不懂或不理解，示意对方重新予以解释。

日本人用大拇指与食指组成一个有缺口的圆形、其余三个手指张开表示wc，向伙伴示意，表示上厕所的意思。

在德国，人们常常喜欢用食指敲敲额头，以表示某人的思想或行为不正常。这一动作并不是所有的地方都这样，在荷兰，用食指敲敲额头，你越敲他越高兴，因为荷兰人认为敲太阳穴是表示很有头脑的意思。

在德国，人们喜欢用其他四指压着大拇指这种拳头状的动作来表示祝愿某人幸福或成功。

俄罗斯人手指放在喉咙上表示“吃饱”。日本人做这动作表示被人家“炒了鱿鱼”。

日本人和欧洲人同样鼓掌，其意思各不相同。日本人鼓掌时用手指击拍，表示欢迎。在英国看戏或听音乐会，如果也是这样鼓掌，则意味着演出不受欢迎，演员最好还是及早退场。

在英、美等国的公共场所演讲，演讲人要想使听众保持安静，就得举起双手与头并齐，掌心向着观众，可是这种手势要是在希腊照样做，那就会被人们认为是投降的姿态，是最丑恶的现象。

一个人对于自己的胡须可能洋洋自得，要是他在希腊、南意大利和南撒丁岛得意时摸摸胡须，那么他是要吃亏的。在主人请吃饭时，看到这个动作就不会给他斟酒，因为这个动作，在那里表示“够了，我不要了”的意思。

点头表示肯定，摇头表示否定，世界多数国家如此，但也有不少例外。意大利那不勒斯人表示否定不是摇头，而是把脑袋向后一仰。要是表示强烈的否定，还用手指敲敲下巴来配合。这一否定动作在希腊、土耳其的部分地区、南斯拉夫、南意大利、西西里岛、马耳他、塞浦路斯和地中海岸国家是很普遍的。有些地方，如保加利亚、南斯拉夫、希腊、土耳其、伊朗和孟加拉国，摇头则表示肯定的意思，即点头不算摇头算。这种动作要是频率缓慢，在德国则表示犹豫不决，不停地摇头则表示否定。

意大利人在提醒某人会有某些危险时，是用食指把自己的下眼皮微微往下扒。一位法国姑娘在意大利的饭店认识了一个意大利人，意大利人表示愿意用车送她一程，姑娘也表示同意。然而服务员看见这种情况后就用食指把自己的下眼皮往下一扒，向她暗示有危险，但她领会不了这种暗示。

对于这种暗示，不同地方的人有不同的理解。英国人会理解成他们干的某件事情被人看穿了。拉丁美洲人则会把这一动作看成殷勤的客气的表示。一个英国人或法国人要是向意大利人使用这一动作，那么这个意大利人就会左顾右盼，看看周围有什么危险，而英国人在这种情况下所要表示的却不是这个意思，而是认为这个意大利人绝不是一个正派人物。

太平洋群岛上的波利尼西亚人见面时，边拥抱，边抚摸对方的后背;因纽特人(爱斯基摩人)用拳头捶打熟人的头和肩;瑞典的拉普兰人互擦鼻子;萨摩亚人彼此嗅闻对方;埃及人问好动作像敬礼--把手举放在额边;一些非洲民族见面时，相互拥抱，把面颊贴在一起。这些都是欢迎的手势。

在社交中、工作中应当注意自己的手势，不可乱用，宁缺勿滥。接待新的客人应格外留神，最好事先了解清楚客人家乡的风俗习惯与忌讳事项，因为万一搞错，便会产生误会，甚至会酿成大错。

有人曾向许多日本朋友问过一个相同的问题：“在你和中国人交际时，如果那个中国人说的日语中有许多语音、语法方面的错误，或者他做出一些令日本人感到不可思议的动作，那么你觉得语言、语法错误难以容忍呢：还是那些不可思议的动作难以容忍：”回答的一致简直令人吃惊，所有的日本人认为，语言、语法错误可以容忍，因为对方毕竟是外国人，但对奇怪的身体动作则难以容忍，因为那可能是不礼貌的。

总之，不同的手势传递不同的信息。同时要讲究的是手势动作的准确与否、幅度的大小、力度的强弱、速度的快慢、时间的长短，这些都很有讲究。手势能体现人们的内心思想活动和对待他人的态度，热情和勉强在手势上可以明显地反映出来。

第7篇 ted英语演讲：西方是如何看待中国高考的

演说题目：the world's english mania

演说者：jay walker

演讲稿

let's talk about manias. let's start with beatlemania.(recording of crowd roaring)hysterical teenagers, crying, screaming, pandemonium.(recording of crowd roaring)sports mania: deafening crowds, all for one idea — get the ball in the net. (recording) goal! okay, religious mania: there's rapture, there's weeping, there's visions. manias can be good. manias can be alarming. or manias can be deadly.(recording of crowd cheering)

让我们来谈谈狂热。先从甲壳虫热说起。歇斯底里的少年们，高呼、尖叫、喧嚣的场面。体育热，震耳欲聋的人群。都是为了一个目标，要球进网。还有，宗教热。有欢笑，也有泪水。还有梦想。狂热可以是件好事，狂热也可以使人担心，有时狂热也可以是致命的。

the world has a new mania. a mania for learning english. listen as chinese students practice their english, by screaming it:

现在世界上有一种新的狂热。学习英语的狂热。听，中国学生在练习讲英语用高声叫喊的方式练习英语。

teacher: ... change my life!

students: i want to change my life!

t: i don't want to let my parents down!

s: i don't want to let my parents down!

t: i don't ever want to let my country down!

s: i don't ever want to let my country down!

t: most importantly... s: most importantly...

t: i don't want to let myself down!

s: i don't want to let myself down!

老师：... 改变我的生活!

学生：我要改变我的命运。

老师：我不想让父母失望。

学生：我不想让父母失望。

老师：我从不想让国家失望。

学生：我从不想让国家失望。

老师：最重要的...学生：最重要的...

老师：我不想让我自己失望。

学生：我不想让我自己失望。

how many people are trying to learn english worldwide? two billion of them.

students: a t-shirt. a dress.

jay walker: 全世界现在有多少人学习英语?20亿

学生：一件衬衫。一条裙子。

jay walker: in latin america, in india, in southeast asia, and most of all, in china. if you're a chinese student, you start learning english in the third grade, by law. that's why this year, china will become the world's largest english-speaking country.

jw：在拉丁美洲、在印度、在东南亚、和几乎整个中国。如果你是个中国学生根据法律，在小学三年级你得开始学习英语。这就是为什么今年中国会成为全世界最大的讲英语的国家。

why english? in a single word: opportunity. opportunity for a better life, a job, to be able to pay for school, or put better food on the table. imagine a student taking a giant test for three full days. her score on this one test literally determines her future. she studies 12 hours a day for three years to prepare.twenty-five percent of her grade is based on english. it's called the gaokao, and 80 million high school chinese students have already taken this grueling test. the intensity to learn english is almost unimaginable, unless you witness it.

为什么是英语?用一个词来回答：机会。一个获得更好生活、工作的机会。可以上得起学，可以吃更好的食物。想象一个学生用整整三天时间参加一次大考。她的这个考试的成绩真正地决定了她的前途。她每天学习12个小时，三年间都是如此，就是为了准备这个考试，其中25%的成绩是由英语决定的，这个考试叫做高考。有8000万的中国高中生都已经参加过这个“独木桥”考试，学习英语的强度几乎不可想象。除非你亲自见证过。

teacher: perfect! students: perfect!

t: perfect! s: perfect!

t: i want to speak perfect english!

s: i want to speak perfect english!

t: i want to speak ... s: i want to speak ...

t: ... perfect english! s: ... perfect english!

t (yelling more loudly): i want to change my life!

s (yelling more loudly): i want to change my life!

老师：完美!学生：完美!

老师：完美!学生：完美!

老师：我想讲完美的英语

学生：我想讲完美的英语

老师：我想说—学生：我想说—

学生：完美的英语。学生：完美的英语

老师：我要改变我的命运!

学生：我要改变我的命运!

jw: so is english mania good or bad? is english a tsunami, washing away other languages? not likely.english is the world's second language. your native language is your life. but with english you can become part of a wider conversation — a global conversation about global problems, like climate change or poverty, or hunger or disease.

jw：那么这股英语热是好还是坏呢?英语是海啸吗，席卷其他所有的语言?不见得，英语是世界第二大语言。你的母语是你的生活，但是英语可以让你参与更大范围的讨论。一个全世界范围的关于全球问题的讨论。比如气候改变或者贫穷或者饥饿，或是疾病。

the world has other universal languages. mathematics is the language of science. music is the language of emotions. and now english is becoming the language of problem-solving. not because america is pushing it, but because the world is pulling it.

这个世界上还有其他的全球性语言，数学是科学的语言、音乐是感情的语言。现在，英语正在成为解决问题的语言，并不是因为美国促使其如此。而是因为全世界的需要。

so english mania is a turning point.like the harnessing of electricity in our cities, or the fall of the berlin wall, english represents hope for a better future — a future where the world has a common language to solve its common problems.

所以英语热是一个转折点，就像我们城市里的供电系统或者柏林墙的倒塌，英语代表着希望，拥有一个更好的未来的希望，未来全世界将用共同语言去解决共同的问题。

thank you very much.(applause)

非常感谢 (掌声)